The legal status of women in Lebanon has improved since the 20th century; however, gender equality still remains problematic. Active feminist movements in Lebanon are trying to overcome the existing legal and sociopolitical discrimination.

During the 17 October Revolution in 2019, women called for a reform of the sectarian system in Lebanon and petitioned to acquire equal rights in the spheres of citizenship, inheritance and protection against domestic violence.

History Lebanese women obtained women's suffrage on 8 February 1953. Since that time, Lebanese women have made progress towards sustainable empowerment goals. In 1997, Lebanon acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). In 1998, Lebanon established the National Commission for Lebanese Women (NCLW).

According to Human Rights Watch, Lebanese authorities fail to meet their legal obligations towards protecting women from violence and ending discrimination against them. Trans women, female sex workers, refugees, and asylum seekers have endured systemic violence, including rape, in Lebanese detention centers. Female migrant workers under the Kafala system, with no labor laws to protect them, have faced employer abuse and negligence especially after the spread of COVID-19, the economic crisis starting in August 2019, and the August 2020 Beirut port explosion.

During a session with the UN Human Rights Council on 18 January 2021, Lebanon's Universal Periodical Review (UPR) submitted recommendations designed to enhance human rights measures and protections in Lebanon. The government of Lebanon, according to Amnesty International, should yield to international pressures to address core issues regarding women's civil, social, and economic rights, especially since only minor improvements were made since its last review in 2015. Recommendations made by 47 governments at the UPR Working Group session included the end of torture via authority figures and their impunity, decriminalization of defamation, elimination of the Kafala system, and enhancement of citizens' rights to protest, assemble, and have freedom of speech.

Legal framework The legal system in Lebanon, particularly its civil laws and personal status codes, significantly contributes to reinforcing gender inequality in Lebanese society. The Lebanese legal system draws its inspiration from the French Civil Code and Egyptian legal systems, and states that all citizens should be treated equally. This is articulated in Articles 7 and 12 of the 1926 Lebanese Constitution, which guarantee equal civil, political, and employment rights for all Lebanese citizens. This, however, is not the case in practice, particularly when it comes to women's rights and the way they continue to be marginalized in society.

Personal status and civil laws make up the two main categories of Lebanese law, and the former is what plays a vital role in reinforcing gender inequality. Personal status laws, including but not limited to all family-related issues such as inheritance, divorce, and marriage, are enforced by religious courts rather than the state, as members of religious communities are entitled to follow their own laws regarding personal status in accordance with their beliefs as stated in Article 9 and 10 of the Constitution. Consequently, recognized religious groups in Lebanon have their own unique set of personal status codes that they are authorized to legislate and enforce independently of the State.

In a lot of cases, these codes, influenced by religious and cultural beliefs, reinforce the notion that women are inferior to men, thereby treating them as second-class citizens which have disproportionate agency over their own lives in comparison to men. This is exacerbated when women enter marriage. Most of these religious institutions view the husband and wife as one, with the husband acting as the head and representative of the family. In turn, women effectively lose most of their civil rights after getting married and are instead perceived to be an extension of their husband. This is demonstrated in numerous codes across different religious sects in Lebanon which give more power to the husband in marital issues such as divorce and custody.

Amidst these legal and societal challenges, the debate around citizenship laws exemplifies the complex interplay between gender inequality and sectarian dynamics in Lebanon. "The specter of sectarian balance saturates current debates and efforts to amend Lebanese citizenship law. Political leaders, op-ed writers, and ordinary citizens frame women's citizenship rights as a back door to the naturalization of Palestinian refugees and more recently Syrian refugees."Mikdashi, Maya. 2022. Sextarianism: Sovereignty, Secularism, and the State in Lebanon. Stanford University Press. p. 35. This statement underscores the challenges faced in reforming citizenship laws to grant equal rights to women, highlighting how sectarian and demographic concerns often overshadow gender equality efforts.

Gender roles Gender roles in Lebanon are formed early through socialization within the family during one's childhood. In some regions, boys are taught to be aggressive and domineering, girls are instead taught to be gentle and submissive, in line with societal norms and values regarding gender, however in most regions boys are raised to be protective and understanding, while girls are raised to be patient and sympathetic.

Married women are expected to prioritize home obligations and are at times criticized by their families or partners for not wanting to stay at home with the children. This creates a power imbalance between men and women, placing men in a more authoritative position which influences the way women are seen and treated in society, in addition to at home. This perception is changing however, with increased discussion and education surrounding gender equality and the marginalization of women in Lebanon. Traditional gender roles continue to be challenged with more women prioritizing their education and careers in attempt to reshape deeply rooted societal expectations.

This deeply entrenched gender disparity is further institutionalized by the Lebanese state through various legal and bureaucratic measures. For instance, "When Syrian or Palestinian women marry Lebanese men, General Security attaches a note to their names in the database of foreigners in the country... These regulations are illegal, racist, and sexist. Still, they have been imposed by General Security and implicitly accepted by civil personal status courts." This practice highlights how gender roles and expectations are not only socially constructed but are also legally enforced, reinforcing the notion that women's identities and rights are contingent upon their marital status and husband's nationality, thereby perpetuating gender inequality within the legal framework of the state.

Marriage

The penal code in Lebanon, and specifically concerning marriage, used to be in favor of the man. However, it has witnessed some reforms. Article 562, which had historically been used to reduce sentences awarded for a non-premeditated honor killing resulting from an "illegitimate" sexual intercourse, was scrapped by the Lebanese Parliament on 4 August 2011. Moreover, in 2014, the Lebanese Parliament finally passed a full-fledged law targeting domestic violence. Nevertheless, some existing laws still tend to favor men in some aspects. For example, if the male spouse is an adulterer, before being accused, his adulterous act is questioned on whether it was done in the marital home or in public. However, if a woman is accused of adulterous acts, she is automatically convicted. Moreover, if convicted, the sentencing time is less for a male than female (male: one month to one year, female: three months to three years). Recently, there have been talks about decriminalizing adultery altogether, and a draft law submitted by MP Samy Gemayel on the matter is still pending review. Moreover, in Lebanon under article 503 rape is defined as "forced sexual intercourse who is not his wife by violence or threat", through this definition, rape is not recognized in a marital relationship. However, through the 2014 law on domestic violence, there were claims of "marital rights to intercourse" would have penalties including fines but no mention of criminalization.

Draft law for descendants of Lebanese women

Under the current Lebanese nationality law, descendants of Lebanese emigrants can only receive citizenship from their father; women cannot pass on citizenship to their spouses or children.

On 7 November 2015, Gebran Bassil, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Emigrants then, "refused to compromise on a draft law that would grant citizenship to the descendants of Lebanese expatriates by expanding it to include the foreign spouses and children of Lebanese women".

This resistance to amending citizenship laws to include women reflects a deeper issue embedded within Lebanon's legal and societal structures. "The challenges of extending the right to pass citizenship status to the children and spouses of Lebanese women are grounded in the structural conditions of sexual difference and the masculinist state. Extending full citizenship rights to women would require a complete overhaul of the census regime and how it defines, regulates, and produces sextarian difference."Mikdashi, Maya. 2022. Sextarianism: Sovereignty, Secularism, and the State in Lebanon. Stanford University Press. p. 37. The systemic exclusion of women from full citizenship rights demonstrates how deeply sectarianism and gender discrimination are intertwined in Lebanon, affecting not only the legal status of individuals but also perpetuating inequalities that are deeply rooted in the nation's political and social fabric.

Single mothers A large proportion of Lebanese society is still against premarital sex or single mothers, and there have been many cases where Lebanese women were blacklisted by their families for them being pregnant before marriage. Some people have even reached the extent to kill their sister or daughter for having alleged pre-marital sexual relationships, calling it an "honor crime".

In Lebanon, the first reach in this situation is usually for the parents to make the man marry their daughter. The second attempt is to convince the women to have an abortion.

Hospital practices in maternity wards Eight out of 39 hospitals in Lebanon had well established prenatal care classes, however only three actually enrolled all women in these classes. There were other forms of providing, such as information at a low, only having four hospitals giving written information regarding care during the labor as well as delivery. Six healthcare providers reported that inquiring women about their preferences. Furthermore, few gave women any opportunity for procedures such as shaving, enema or fetal monitoring application. Lastly, it was seen that all places had strict mobility for women in the delivery process, including eight who tied their arms and legs.

Children