Eastern South Slavic dialects of Macedonian and Bulgarian are spoken by minority groups in the regions of Macedonia and Thrace in northern Greece. Usually, dialects in Thrace are classified as Bulgarian, while the dialects in Macedonia are classified as Macedonian, with the exception of some eastern dialects which can also be classified as Bulgarian.
Greek Macedonia The continuum of Macedonian and Bulgarian is spoken in the prefectures of Florina and Pella, and to a lesser extent in Kastoria, Imathia, Kilkis, Thessaloniki, Serres and Drama.
According to Riki van Boeschoten, the Slavic dialects of Greek Macedonia are divided into three main dialects (Eastern, Central and Western), of which the Eastern dialect is used in the areas of Serres and Drama, and is closest to Bulgarian, the Western dialect is used in Florina and Kastoria, and is closest to Macedonian, the Central dialect is used in the area between Edessa and Salonica and is an intermediate between Macedonian and Bulgarian.Boeschoten, Riki van (1993): Minority Languages in Northern Greece. Study Visit to Florina, Aridea, (Report to the European Commission, Brussels) "The Western dialect is used in Florina and Kastoria and is closest to the language used north of the border, the Eastern dialect is used in the areas of Serres and Drama and is closest to Bulgarian, the Central dialect is used in the area between Edessa and Salonica and forms an intermediate dialect" Trudgill classifies certain peripheral dialects in the far east of Greek Macedonia as part of the Bulgarian language area and the rest as Macedonian dialects.Trudgill P., 2000, "Greece and European Turkey: From Religious to Linguistic Identity". In: Stephen Barbour and Cathie Carmichael (eds.), Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford : Oxford University Press, p.259. Victor Friedman considers those Macedonian dialects, particularly those spoken as west as Kilkis, to be transitional to the neighbouring South Slavic language.
Bulgarian dialectologists claim all dialects and do not recognize Macedonian. They divide Bulgarian dialects mainly into Eastern and Western by a separating isogloss (dyado, byal/dedo, bel "grandpa, white"(m., sg.)) stretching from Thessaloniki to the meeting point of Iskar and Danube.
The nasal vowels are absent in all Slavic dialects except for the dialects of Macedonian in Greece and the Lechitic dialects (Polabian, Slovincian, Polish and Kashubian). This, along with the preservation of the paroxitonic in the Kostur dialect and Polish, is part of a series of isoglosses shared with the Lechitic dialects, which led to the thesis of a genetic relationship between Proto-Bulgarian and Proto-Macedonian with Proto-Polish and Proto-Kashubian.
The Old Church Slavonic language, the earliest recorded Slavic language, was based on the dialects in Thessaloniki. Church Slavonic, long-used as a state language further north in East and West Slavic states and as the only one in Wallachia and Moldavia until the 18th century, influenced other Slavic languages on all levels, including morphonology and vocabulary. About 70% of Church Slavonic words are common to all Slavic languages.
Fringe views A series of ethnological and pseudo-linguistic works were published by three Greek teachers, notably Giorgos Boukouvalas and Konstantinos Tsioulkas, whose publications demonstrate common ideological and methodological similarities. They published etymological lists tracing every single Slavic word to Ancient Greek with fictional correlations, and they were ignorant of the dialects and the Slavic languages entirely. Among them, Boukouvalas promoted an enormous influence of the Greek language on a Bulgarian idiom and a discussion about their probable Greek descent. Tsioulkas followed him by publishing a large book, where he "proved" through an "etymological" approach, that these idioms are a pure Ancient Greek dialect. A publication of the third teacher followed, Giorgos Georgiades, who presented the language as a mixture of Greek, Turkish and other loanwords, but was incapable of defining the dialects as either Greek or Slav.
Serbian dialectology does not usually extend the Serbian dialects to Greek Macedonia, but an unconventional classification has been made by Aleksandar Belić, a convinced Serbian nationalist, who regarded the dialects as Serbian. In his classification he distinguished three categories of dialects in Greek Macedonia: a Serbo-Macedonian dialect, a Bulgaro-Macedonian territory where Serbian is spoken and a Non-Slavic territory.
Ban on use, language shift and language death After the conclusion of the First World War, a widespread policy of Hellenisation was implemented in the Greek region of Macedonia. Personal and topographic names were forcibly changed to their Greek versions. Cyrillic inscriptions across Northern Greece were removed from gravestones and churches. Under the regime of Ioannis Metaxas, a law was passed banning the Bulgarian language. Many people who broke the rule were deported,The Rising Sun In the Balkans: The Republic of Macedonia, International Affairs Agency, Sydney, Pollitecon Publications, 1995; p.33 or arrested, and beaten. During the Cold War cases of discrimination against people who spoke in local dialects had been reported. In 1959 the inhabitants of three villages adopted a 'language oath', renouncing their Slavic dialect on the initiative of local government officials. After the fall of Communism the issue has continued. In 1994 report by the Human Rights Watch, Greece implemented a program, which refuses the teaching of any Slavic language. The Greek state continues to exclude the Slavic speakers of Greek Macedonia from operating TV, or radio-stations in local Slavic. Per Slavist Christian Voss, the region had the typical situation of language shift and decreased proficiency from the Slavic vernacular to Greek as follows: "Households with almost monoglot Slavic-speaking grandparents, bilingual parents, and monoglot Greek-speaking children with a passive knowledge of Slavic." He wrote that the threat of language death in Eastern Macedonia and partly Central Macedonia was because 90% of the villages in Eastern Macedonia and 66% of the villages in Central Macedonia were affected by a huge wave of refugees during the 1920s.Christian Voss, Language use and language attitudes of a phantom minority. Bilingual Northern Greece and the concept of "hidden minorities".
Greek Thrace
Some of the Rup dialects of the Bulgarian language are spoken by the Pomaks in Western Thrace in Greece. These dialects are native also in Bulgaria, and are classified as part of the Smolyan subdialect.Bulgarian dialectology; Stoyan Stoykov; 4th edition, 2002; pp.128-143 Not all Pomaks speak this dialect as their mother language.Иванов, Й. Българска диалектология. Пловдивско Университетско Издателство "П. Хилендарски". Пловдив, 1994 г., с. 80 (Ivanov, J. Bulgarian Dialectology. Plovdiv University Press "P. Hilendarski". Plovdiv, 1994, p. 80) It is generally qualified by Bulgarian researchers as an "archaic dialect" with some conservative features, which bear witness to an intermediate state of transition from Old Bulgarian/Old Church Slavonic to the modern Bulgarian language.Evangelia Adamou, Davide Fanciullo. Why Pomak will not be the next Slavic literary language. D. Stern; M. Nomachi; B. Belić. Linguistic regionalism in Eastern Europe and beyond: minority, regional and literary microlanguages, Peter Lang, pp.40-65, 2018.
Attempts of codification Greek governmental codification
Under the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres, Greece had agreed to open schools for minority-language children. In September 1924 Greece also agreed to a protocol with Bulgaria to place its Slavic-speaking minority under the protection of the League of Nations as Bulgarians. However, the Greek parliament refused to ratify the protocol due to objections from Serbia, and from Greeks who considered the Slavic-speakers to be Greeks rather than Slavic people.Danforth, Loring M. The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World, p. 70. Princeton University Press, 1995. Vasilis Dendramis, the Greek representative in the League of the Nations, stated that the Macedonian Slav language was neither Bulgarian, nor Serbian, but an independent language. The Greek government went ahead with the publication in May 1925 of the Abecedar, described by contemporary Greek writers as a primer for "the children of Slav speakers in Greece ... printed in the Latin script and compiled in the Macedonian dialect."Andonovski, Hristo. "The First Macedonian Primer between the Two World Wars - The Abecedar". Macedonian Review. 6:64-69. The book's publication sparked controversy in Greek Macedonia, along with Bulgaria and Serbia. The Bulgarians and Serbs objected to the book being printed in Latin alphabet.Poulton, Hugh. Who are the Macedonians?, pp. 88-89. C. Hurst & Co, 2000. In January 1926, the region of Florina saw extensive protests by Greek and pro-Greek Slavic speakers campaigning against the primer's publication, demanding the government change its policies on minority education.Roudometof, Victor. Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, p. 102. Greenwood Publishing Group, 2002. As a result, although some books reached villages in Greek Macedonia, it was never used in their schools.
Greek communists' codification
After the Tito–Stalin split in 1948, under the auspices of some Macedonian intellectuals in Bucharest, anti-Yugoslav alphabet, grammar, and primer closer to Bulgarian, purported to be "purified" of the Serbo-Croatian loanwords of the "language of Skopje" were created.Keith Brown, Macedonia's Child-grandfathers: The Transnational Politics of Memory, Exile, and Return, 1948-1998; Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, University of Washington, 2003, p. 32.Roumen Daskalov, Tchavdar Marinov, Entangled Histories of the Balkans - Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies; BRILL, 2013; , pp. 479–480. The Communist Party of Greece led by Nikos Zahariadis took the side of the Cominform. After the defeat of communists in the Greek Civil War in 1949, a hunt for Titoist spies began in the midst of Greek political immigrants - civil war refugees, living in socialist countries in Eastern Europe. As a result, the Greek communist publisher "Nea Ellada" issued a Macedonian grammar (1952) and developed a different alphabet. Between 1952 and 1956, the Macedonian Department of Nea Hellas published a number of issues in this literary standard, officially called "Macedonian language of the Slavomacedonians from Greek or Aegean Macedonia". This failed attempt of codification included the Ъ, Ь, Ю, Я, Й and was proclaimed as "non-serbianised." However, it was merely a form of Bulgarian.Euangelos Kōphos, Speros Basil Vryonis, Nationalism and communism in Macedonia: civil conflict, politics of mutation, national identity; Center for the Study of Hellenism, A. D. Caratzas, 1993, , p. 203. This codification did not gain widespread acceptance.Sebastian Kempgen, Peter Kosta, Tilman Berger, Karl Gutschmidt as ed., The Slavic Languages. Volume 32 of Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science (HSK) Walter de Gruyter, 2014; , p. 1476. The Soviet-Yugoslav rapprochement from the mid-1950s probably helped to put this codification to an end. The grammar was prepared by a team headed by Atanas Peykov.The Macedonian Times, issues 51–62; MI-AN, 1999, p. 141. Atanas Peykov himself came to Romania from Bulgaria, where until 1951 he had worked at the Informbureau of Hellas Press. The Aegean Macedonian norm made some Aegean emigrants unable to adopt the Macedonian standard language in Yugoslavia, where many of them settled.
Communist refugees from Greece in Australia