International relations theory is the study of international relations (IR) from a theoretical perspective. It seeks to explain behaviors and outcomes in international politics. The three most prominent schools of thought are realism, liberalism, and constructivism.Snyder, Jack (2004). "One World, Rival Theories," Foreign Policy, 145 (November/December), p. 52. Whereas realism and liberalism make broad and specific predictions about international relations, constructivism and rational choice are methodological approaches that focus on certain types of social explanation for phenomena..
International relations, as a discipline, is believed to have emerged after World War I with the establishment of a Chair of International Relations, the Woodrow Wilson Chair held by Alfred Eckhard Zimmern at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth.Burchill, Scott and Andrew Linklater (2005). "Introduction," in Theories of International Relations, ed. by Scott Burchill et al., New York: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 6. The modern study of international relations, as a theory, has sometimes been traced to realist works such as E. H. Carr's The Twenty Years' Crisis (1939) and Hans Morgenthau's Politics Among Nations (1948).Burchill, Scott and Andrew Linklater (2005). "Introduction," in Theories of International Relations, ed. by Scott Burchill et al., New York: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 1.Burchill, Scott and Andrew Linklater (2005). "Introduction," in Theories of International Relations, ed. by Scott Burchill et al., New York: Palgrave Macmillan, p. 7.
The most influential IR theory work of the post-World War II era was Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics (1979), which pioneered neorealism. Neoliberalism (or liberal institutionalism) became a prominent competitive framework to neorealism, with prominent proponents such as Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye. During the late 1980s and 1990s, constructivism emerged as a prominent third IR theoretical framework, in addition to existing realist and liberal approaches. IR theorists such as Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie, Martha Finnemore, and Michael N. Barnett helped pioneer constructivism. Rational choice approaches to world politics became increasingly influential in the 1990s, in particular with works by James Fearon, such as the bargaining model of war;Darren Filson and Suzanne Werner, "A Bargaining Model of War and Peace: Anticipating the Onset, Duration, and Outcome of War," American Journal of Political Science (Oct., 2002), pp. 819–837. and Bruce Bueno de Mesquita, developer of expected utilityR. Harrison Wagner, "Review: War and Expected-Utility Theory (review of The War Trap by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita World Politics (Apr., 1984), pp. 407–423. and selectorate theory models of conflict and war initiation. There are also "post-positivist/reflectivist" IR theories (which stand in contrast to the aforementioned "positivist/rationalist" theories).
Early history of the field Early international relations scholarship in the interwar years focused on the need for the balance of power system to be replaced with a system of collective security. These thinkers were later described as "Idealists". The leading critique of this school of thinking was the "realist" analysis offered by Carr.
However, a more recent study, by David Long and Brian Schmidt in 2005, offers a revisionist account of the origins of the field of international relations. They claim that the history of the field can be traced back to late 19th century imperialism and internationalism. The fact that the history of the field is presented by "great debates", such as the realist-idealist debate, does not correspond with the historic evidence found in earlier works: "We should once and for all dispense with the outdated anachronistic artifice of the debate between the idealists and realists as the dominant framework for and understanding the history of the field". Their revisionist account claims that, up until 1918, international relations already existed in the form of colonial administration, race science, and race development.
Realism
Realism or political realism has been the dominant theory of international relations since the conception of the discipline.Dunne, Tim and Brian C. Schmidt (2004). "Realism," in The Globalisation of World Politics, edited by John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, New York: Oxford University Press, 4th ed. The theory claims to rely upon an ancient tradition of thought which includes writers such as Thucydides, Niccolò Machiavelli, and Thomas Hobbes. Early realism can be characterized as a reaction against interwar idealist thinking. The outbreak of World War II was seen by realists as evidence of the deficiencies of idealist thinking. There are various strands of modern-day realist thinking. However, the main tenets of the theory have been identified as statism, survival, and self-help. Statism: Realists believe that nation states are the main actors in international politics.Snyder, Jack (2004). "One World, Rival Theories," Foreign Policy, Vol. 145 (November/December), p. 59. As such it is a state-centric theory of international relations. This contrasts with liberal international relations theories which accommodate roles for non-state actors and international institutions. This difference is sometimes expressed by describing a realist world view as one which sees nation states as billiard balls, liberals would consider relationships between states to be more of a cobweb. Survival: Realists believe that the international system is governed by anarchy, meaning that there is no central authority. Therefore, international politics is a struggle for power between self-interested states.Snyder, Jack (2004). "One World, Rival Theories," Foreign Policy, Vol. 145 (November/December), p. 55. Self-help: Realists believe that no other states can be relied upon to help guarantee the state's survival.
Realism makes several key assumptions. It assumes that nation-states are unitary, geographically based actors in an anarchic international system with no authority above capable of regulating interactions between states as no true authoritative world government exists. Secondly, it assumes that sovereign states, rather than intergovernmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, or multinational corporations, are the primary actors in international affairs. Thus, states, as the highest order, are in competition with one another. As such, a state acts as a rational autonomous actor in pursuit of its own self-interest with a primary goal to maintain and ensure its own security—and thus its sovereignty and survival. Realism holds that in pursuit of their interests, states will attempt to amass resources, and that relations between states are determined by their relative levels of power. That level of power is in turn determined by the state's military, economic, and political capabilities.
Some realists, known as human nature realists or classical realists, believe that states are inherently aggressive, that territorial expansion is constrained only by opposing powers, while others, known as offensive/defensive realists, believe that states are obsessed with the security and continuation of the state's existence. The defensive view can lead to a security dilemma, where increasing one's own security can bring along greater instability as the opponent(s) builds up its own arms, making security a zero-sum game where only relative gains can be made.
Neorealism
Neorealism or structural realism is a development of realism advanced by Kenneth Waltz in Theory of International Politics. It is, however, only one strand of neorealism. Joseph Grieco has combined neo-realist thinking with more traditional realists. This strand of theory is sometimes called "modern realism".Lamy, Steven (2008). "Contemporary Approaches: Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism," in The Globalisation of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, edited by John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, 4th edition, New York: Oxford University Press, p. 127.
Waltz's neorealism contends that the effect of structure must be taken into account in explaining state behavior. It shapes all foreign policy choices of states in the international arena. For instance, any disagreement between states derives from lack of a common power (central authority) to enforce rules and maintain them constantly. Thus, there is constant anarchy in the international system that makes it necessary for states to obtain strong weapons to guarantee their survival. Additionally, in an anarchic system, states with greater power have a tendency to increase their influence further. According to neo-realists, structure is considered an extremely important element in IR and is defined in a twofold manner as: 1) the ordering principle of the international system, which is anarchy, and 2) the distribution of capabilities across units. Waltz also challenges traditional realism's emphasis on traditional military power, instead characterizing power in terms of the combined capabilities of the state.Lamy, Steven (2008). "Contemporary Approaches: Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism," in The Globalisation of World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, edited by John Baylis, Steve Smith, and Patricia Owens, 4th edition, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 127–128.
Waltz's version of neorealism has frequently been characterized as "defensive realism", whereas John Mearsheimer is a proponent of a different version of neorealism characterized as "offensive realism."
Liberalism
The precursor to liberal international relations theory was "idealism". Idealism (or utopianism) was viewed critically by those who saw themselves as "realists", for instance E. H. Carr.Schmidt, Brian C. (1998). The political discourse of anarchy: a disciplinary history of international relations, Albany: State University of New York, p. 219. In international relations, idealism (also called "Wilsonianism" because of its association with Woodrow Wilson) holds that a state should make its internal political philosophy the goal of its foreign policy. For example, an idealist might believe that ending poverty at home should be coupled with tackling poverty abroad. Wilson's idealism was a precursor to liberal international relations theory, which would arise amongst the "institution-builders" after World War I.
Liberalism holds that state preferences, rather than state capabilities, are the primary determinant of state behavior. Unlike realism, where the state is seen as a unitary actor, liberalism allows for plurality in state actions. Thus, preferences will vary from state to state, depending on factors such as culture, economic system or government type. Liberalism also holds that interaction between states is not limited to the political/security ("high politics"), but also economic/cultural ("low politics") whether through commercial firms, organizations or individuals. Thus, instead of an anarchic international system, there are plenty of opportunities for cooperation and broader notions of power, such as cultural capital (for example, the influence of films leading to the popularity of the country's culture and creating a market for its exports worldwide). Another assumption is that absolute gains can be made through co-operation and interdependence—thus peace can be achieved.
Neoliberalism