The Luxembourg compromise (or Luxembourg accord) was an agreement reached in January 1966 to resolve the "Empty Chair Crisis" which had caused a stalemate within the European Economic Community (EEC).
Charles de Gaulle
Whereas the founding fathers of the EEC (Konrad Adenauer, Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet) were avowed European integrationists, Charles de Gaulle was a French nationalist. In 1960, De Gaulle believed that a council of the heads of government should be created with a secretariat in Paris. He desired a European institution that would give France greater power in Europe. He also sought to create a political union to further the economic union already in existence, the European Economic Community. This was his second attempt at creating more political coordination in Europe, the first being a Franco-Italian proposal that would have required that foreign ministers met outside the EEC structures regularly. The Dutch were quick to block that proposal, preferring to keep any political union talks within the Western European Union.Vanke, J. (2001). An impossible union: Dutch objections to the Fouchet plan, 1959–62. Cold War History, 2(1), 95–113.
The West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer met with De Gaulle in July 1960 where De Gaulle presented a nine-point plan entitled "A Note on the Subject of the Organisation of Europe". In this plan, De Gaulle proposed a diminished supranational influence and an end to the American-led integration. It soon became apparent to the other five members of the EEC that De Gaulle was planning on creating a political union that would cut out not only American influence but British influence as well. Moreover, it would reconfigure the existing EEC institutions. The plan would call for regular summits, a parliament consisting of representatives from each of the member states' parliaments, and a national referendum.Spaak, P. (1965). A new effort to build Europe. Foreign Affairs, 43(2), 199–208.
The other five were interested in a political union, but they expressed concern about the new configuration. Chancellor Adenauer reluctantly agreed to the plan, as long as provisions could be included which would keep NATO in Europe and preserve the existing EEC organs.Camps, M. (1964). The six and politícal union. The World Today, 20(1), 473–80. Dutch Foreign Minister Joseph Luns was resistant to this new reorganisation, fearing that the exclusion of the United Kingdom and NATO would leave Europe vulnerable. Moreover, De Gaulle's plans would have meant a far more intergovernmental Europe, in which the majority of the power would rest with member states and not in supranational organisations. This would have meant a step backwards for European integration. Luns saw De Gaulle as an aspiring hegemon seeking to expand French influence throughout the continent. De Gaulle was clearly trying to increase French power: "Europe is the means for France to recover what it ceased to be after Waterloo: first in the world".
Furthermore, the Dutch were concerned that leaving the United Kingdom out of Europe was irresponsible, but De Gaulle was vehemently opposed to the United Kingdom's accession to the community. In his eyes, it would create a backdoor for NATO and the United States to involve themselves in Europe. Moreover, the UK would interfere with De Gaulle's plans for "La Grande Nation": France as a superpower standing between the United States and the USSR. In October 1960, De Gaulle sent his Prime Minister to West Germany and was successful in getting Adenauer to agree to a heads of state meeting to take place in February 1961. Adenauer was mistrustful of De Gaulle, rightfully believing that he was trying to create a "leading role for France in Europe". He combined with the Dutch opinion; it led to the meeting being a failure for De Gaulle. It was agreed, however, that a committee should be formed to discuss possible political union".
In autumn 1961, a committee was formed to address plans for a political union in Europe. The Fouchet Committee, named after Christian Fouchet, drafted a plan that would include defence among other political recourses. Any mention of NATO was conspicuously left out. While West Germany and Italy generally accepted the plan, provided that the NATO issue could be worked out, it was again the Dutch who opposed the plan. They also wanted to link any discussion on a political union with British accession to the EEC. France was opposed. Sensing that he had support of at least three member states, West Germany, Italy and France, De Gaulle shifted tactics and he reissued the Fouchet Plan in January 1962. This plan again omitted NATO and sent a clear message that De Gaulle wanted to separate Europe from NATO. This move irritated the other members, including Italy and West Germany and strengthened the Dutch position.
De Gaulle backtracked and in February 1962 went to West Germany to appeal to Adenauer. He reintroduced the omitted NATO passage to placate the Chancellor, but Adenauer did not want a Franco-German domination. De Gaulle was less timid: "Once (France and West Germany) are in agreement, their decision should be imposed". Adenauer again changed his position, but the Dutch and Belgians would not tolerate De Gaulle's plan. The issue was dropped at the April summit.
Empty Chair Crisis In July 1965, De Gaulle boycotted European institutions due to issues he had regarding new political proposals by the European Commission. This event, known as the "Empty Chair Crisis", affected the European Community. Several issues regarding European political integration led to the confrontation. De Gaulle believed that national governments should move towards integration and did not agree with the Commission's attempt to create a shift towards supranationalism, extending powers beyond national borders.
After the failure of the Fouchet Plan and De Gaulle's veto of the United Kingdom's application for EC membership, the Commission attempted to move towards integration by proposing an idea that would combine the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), the European Parliament, and Commission. De Gaulle supported the creation of the CAP and favoured its enactment. However, he disagreed with the Parliament's new role, the Commission's strength, the shift towards supranationalism, and the budget proposals for financing the CAP. De Gaulle made it a condition that majority voting with a right to veto must exist if France was to participate in the European Community. When De Gaulle was not granted a more intergovernmental Commission or voting and veto rights, the French representative left the Council of Ministers.Cini, Michelle and Nieves Perez-Solorzano Borragan (eds.). European Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010.
Views of the member states
Benelux reaction At the outset of the empty chair crisis, the Benelux states sought to minimise the total damage that the crisis could potentially have on the EEC, and the Benelux Political Consultation Committee (COCOPO) immediately worked to establish a common stance on next steps, which proved difficult, causing a schism among the three states. Belgium and Luxembourg both saw the necessity for the Benelux to act as a mediator between France and the rest of the EEC and wanted to encourage the prompt return of the French delegation while maintaining the possibility for the creation of the common market in the future. The creation of the common market was of particular importance to Belgium, as it was vital to its own industry and moving forward without the French would hurt the potential of such a policy.
Another concern of the Belgian delegation was to ensure that the seat of the EEC remain in Brussels. The Belgian desire to remain relatively neutral within the feud was also affected by the large number of French speakers who generally viewed French demands sympathetically. They argued for a continuation of the discussion while keeping France notified of the developments but making only technical decisions and absolutely no explicit commitments. While the Belgians wished to continue operations within the Commission and the Council, the Luxembourgish stressed that any meetings of the Commission or Council must be strictly unofficial and that any action that could be viewed by France as confrontational must be avoided.
As a result, no decisions were made in the initial meetings following the start of the crisis. Luxembourg argued that the central issues of the crisis came from a lack of a decided common goal for the community, something that needed to be determined for any further treaties to be agreed upon and ratified. In contrast to the other Benelux states moving towards roles as peacekeepers and mediators, the Netherlands were opposed to the French decision to leave Brussels from the beginning. They quickly aligned themselves with the positions of West Germany and Italy, while recognising the benefits of continued communication with France as the community moved forward. Nevertheless, they were largely in favour of proceeding with official negotiations with only five states and, if possible, making decisions for France to come to terms with if they rejoined the community in the future.
These different stances within the Benelux complicated the cohesiveness of any decision adopted by COCOPO. Without the backing of the Netherlands, the proposal to postpone negotiations submitted by Belgium and Luxembourg was immediately rejected. The committee did not adopt any common decision until the proposal of the Spaak Plan, created by Belgian Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak. The Spaak Plan suggested a meeting of the Council without the participation of the Commission, where a common stance on the critical issues surrounding the crisis would be decided and presented to France for evaluation, hopefully leading towards negotiation and the return of the French Delegation. That became the stance of COCOPO as a whole, to wait out the crisis, while showing some initiative to resolve it and bring France back to the discussion.Étienne Deschamps More than 'honest brokers'? Belgium, Luxembourg and the 'empty chair crisis' (1965 1966). Étienne Deschamps, Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe, Sanem (2006). (c) Translation Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe (CVCE) http://www.cvce.eu/obj/Etienne_Deschamps_More_than_honest_brokers_Belgium_Luxembourg_and_the_empty_chair_crisis_1965_1966?-en-9f95a4a0?-a355-4b1a?-ae66-a0f6af6339cc.htmLuxembourg Government reaction to the empty chair crisis (Luxembourg, 12 November 1965) Archives Nationales du Luxembourg, Luxembourg. Affaires étrangères. AE 15436. (c) Translation Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe (CVCE) http://www.cvce.eu /obj/Luxembourg_Government_reaction_to_the_empty_chair_crisis_Luxembourg_12_November_1965?-en-3a82a48b?-a11d-4535-b361-4b00f91d01ed?.htmPositions of the Benelux Political Consultation Committee (COCOPO) on the empty chair crisis (Luxembourg, 5 November 1965) Archives Nationales du Luxembourg, Luxembourg. Affaires étrangères. AE 15436. (c) Translation Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l'Europe (CVCE). http://www.cvce.eu/obj/Positions_of_the_Benelux_Political_Consultation_Committee_COCOPO_on_the_empty_chair_crisis_Luxembourg_5_November_1965?-en-c3ded788-570b-458a-a41f-094f6667196e?.htm
Italian and West German reaction