Anti-fascism in Poland has existed as a movement since the 1920s, when groups and organizations opposing fascism and other extreme forms of nationalism began to emerge.
History
Second Polish Republic
In the Second Polish Republic, opposition to fascism and extreme nationalist movements existed among various political and social circles. The Polish Socialist Party (PPS) was particularly important, combining opposition to fascism with the defence of democratic freedoms and its socialist programme. Other democratic, peasant, Jewish, and left-wing circles also participated in activities opposing fascism, nationalism, and antisemitism. The Communist Party of Poland (KPP) represented one current within this broader movement, but anti-fascism in the Second Polish Republic cannot be identified exclusively with communist activity.
More explicit reactions to fascism emerged in the second half of the 1920s, when radical nationalist circles developed in Poland and organizations influenced by fascist ideology appeared. In December 1926, the Camp of Great Poland (OWP) was founded. Its ideology and organization displayed similarities to fascist movements, although its attitude towards Italian fascism remained ambiguous. At this time, opposition to fascism had not yet developed into a unified political movement. The PPS remained an especially important political force, but its relations with the Communist Workers' Party of Poland (KPRP) and the later KPP were marked by sharp political conflict. In 1926 and 1928, these disputes led to violent clashes between PPS and communist militias during May Day demonstrations in Warsaw.
Socialist current
One of the most important elements of PPS activity was the self-defence of the socialist movement. In the context of intensifying political conflicts, the party developed its own structures to protect its organizational activities. On 8 December 1934, the PPS Executive Committee decided to establish Socialist Action (AS), a paramilitary organization. Its activities included protecting marches and other events organized by the socialist movement.
The PPS's anti-fascist position was explicitly formulated in the Radom Programme, adopted at the 24th Congress of the PPS in Radom on 2 February 1937. In the section devoted to fascism, the programme described it as a movement based, among other things, on nationalism, racial hatred, and imperialism, and as a system destroying freedom and democracy through violence. In the section concerning the socialist movement, the PPS stated that its main task was to "halt the advance of the fascist current in Poland" and declared its intention to defend existing democratic freedoms.
The PPS's anti-fascism was distinct from communism. The Radom Programme strongly criticized communist tactics, considering them a factor weakening the labour movement. The PPS therefore did not intend to subordinate its activities to the KPP or adopt the communist conception of political struggle. At the same time, the party emphasized the need to defend existing democratic freedoms and oppose fascist tendencies.
The PPS also attempted to cooperate with other political forces. In the mid-1930s, relations between the PPS and KPP became closer. In July 1935, the parties concluded a so-called non-aggression pact intended to limit mutual attacks and create opportunities for cooperation in response to the growing strength of right-wing groups. The agreement did not result in lasting unification. Differences concerning communism, the Soviet Union, the political system, and methods of political activity remained substantial.
Cooperation between sections of the PPS and KPP was also reflected in the activities of Dziennik Popularny, published in 1936–1937. The newspaper emerged among supporters of united-front cooperation, with the participation of both communist activists and sections of the PPS left. Its editor-in-chief was Norbert Barlicki, a PPS activist. was one of the most important press initiatives associated with the idea of a popular front in Poland.
conducted explicitly anti-fascist journalism. It covered, among other subjects, fascism in Poland and Europe, the Spanish Civil War, and antisemitism. The newspaper also had a relatively wide circulation; Mierzecki records an increase in its circulation to tens of thousands of copies, with Sunday editions sometimes reaching even higher figures. The newspaper ceased publication in March 1937.
In the second half of the 1930s, the concept of a "democratic front", opposed to the communist concept of the popular front, emerged in some circles associated with the PPS and the peasant movement. This did not represent a uniform position within the entire People's Party; significant differences and mutual distrust persisted between the PPS and the peasant movement.
Anti-fascist ideas also developed outside political parties, including among sections of the Polish intelligentsia and cultural circles. One example was the Lwów-based Sygnały, published from 1933 to 1939. Andrzej Świecki noted that after the magazine was relaunched in 1936, its profile became increasingly associated with the anti-fascist camp and with the idea of cooperation among left-wing and democratic circles. published material on fascism, the situation in countries ruled by dictatorships, and the threat of war.
Bund and the Jewish minority
A separate anti-fascist current was represented by the Bund, or the General Jewish Labour Union. It was an independent Jewish socialist movement which opposed antisemitism in the Second Polish Republic and organized self-defence activities within the Jewish community. In the second half of the 1930s, the Bund cooperated with the PPS in this area. This cooperation did not mean that the Bund was politically subordinate to the PPS or that it abandoned its distinct programme as a Jewish socialist movement.
Anti-fascist activity among the Jewish population was not limited to the Bund's party interests. In the second half of the 1930s, as antisemitism intensified, the Bund conducted extensive activities in defence of the civil rights of the Jewish population, organizing protests and self-defence against violence by far-right militias. Its mass and social activities, involving trade unions, youth organizations, and cultural institutions, were particularly significant. Opposition to antisemitism and fascist violence thus extended beyond people directly associated with the Bund's ideology and contributed to its growing importance among different sections of the Jewish community.
International dimension of Polish anti-fascism
The best-known example of the international dimension of anti-fascism involving people connected with Poland was the Spanish Civil War. The overwhelming majority of Polish volunteers fought on the Republican side. The historian Jacek Pietrzak estimates their number at approximately 4,500–5,000; about 75% were emigrants, most of them living in France. Probably around 600–800 volunteers came directly from Poland, with communists strongly predominating among them.
Most Polish volunteers fought in the 13th International Brigade, named after Jarosław Dąbrowski, which participated in major operations of the war. The brigade suffered very heavy losses, estimated at approximately 30–40%. One of its commanders was Karol Świerczewski. Polish participation in the Spanish Civil War was therefore closely connected with the international communist movement, but it was also presented by the participants themselves and their circles as a struggle against fascism on the side of the Republic.
Peasant movement
An important current of democratic opposition to fascism was the peasant movement. This position was particularly clearly expressed in resolutions adopted by the People's Party Congress on 17 January 1937. The resolution stated that "every dictatorship is disastrous for peasants" and that the rural masses could obtain the influence due to them only under a democratic system. The People's Party rejected cooperation both with "fascism from the right" and with "communism from the left", and declared its willingness to cooperate with "genuinely democratic" groups while retaining its political independence. This positioned the peasant movement as a distinct anti-dictatorial and anti-fascist current, based on the defence of parliamentary democracy and peasant interests.
The youth wing of the peasant movement also played an important role, particularly the Union of Rural Youth "Wici". This milieu developed a socially radical form of agrarianism, emphasized democracy and civil rights, and remained in conflict with the policies of the Sanacja. The organization was closely associated with the People's Party while retaining its own ideological character. In this sense, "Wici" was one element of the broader democratic and socially radical current of the peasant movement that opposed dictatorial and extreme nationalist tendencies in the political life of the Second Polish Republic.
At the same time, the attitude of the peasant movement towards communism remained ambivalent, and its democratic anti-authoritarianism should not be equated with the communist concept of the popular front. Cooperation between some peasant activists and the workers' left was disputed, as was the movement's attitude towards the KPP. From the perspective of the history of anti-fascism, it is therefore important to distinguish between broader cooperation among different groups against the right and authoritarian tendencies and the communist project of the popular front.
Wincenty Witos was also critical of the antisemitism of the National Party, describing it as harmful and compromising. His memoirs also contain numerous critical references to dictatorial and fascist tendencies in Europe and to authoritarian trends in Polish political life.
Democratic circles
Democratic circles not directly associated with the socialist movement were also represented by the Democratic Clubs, which began to emerge in the second half of the 1930s. The Warsaw Democratic Club, established in October 1937, brought together representatives of the intelligentsia, academia, the liberal professions, teachers, and youth circles. Its declaration opposed the existing system of government, nationalism, and antisemitism, and supported opposition to totalitarianism and democratic electoral law. The movement of Democratic Clubs subsequently developed in other cities, including Kraków and Lwów.
The Democratic Clubs are particularly significant in demonstrating that opposition to extreme nationalism and authoritarian tendencies was not limited to socialists, communists, and the peasant movement. Their milieu originated largely among the intelligentsia and sections of the democratic and former Legionary left, and their programme combined the defence of parliamentary democracy with criticism of nationalism and antisemitism. In practice, the Democratic Clubs cooperated with the PPS and the People's Party while maintaining their own political identity. In 1938, the movement developed into the Democratic Party.
World War II
At the beginning of World War II, anti-fascist activists, including members of AS and the Class Trade Unions, joined the Workers' Brigade for the Defence of Warsaw and the Gdynia scythemen (also known as the Red Kosyniers).
During the occupation, anti-fascists fought in a number of underground organizations, including:
Socialist formations of the Polish anti-fascist resistance
Socialist Combat Organization Polish People's Army Polish People's Independence Action Workers' Polish Socialist Party Workers' Militia of the Polish Socialist Party – Freedom, Equality, Independence Militia PPS-WRN Combat and Militia Formations of Polish Socialists
Communist formations of the Polish anti-fascist resistance
Polish Military Revolutionary Organization Union of Liberation Struggle People's Guard