The Ulster Workers' Council (UWC) strike was a general strike that took place in Northern Ireland between 15 May and 28 May 1974, during "the Troubles". The strike was called by unionists who were against the Sunningdale Agreement, which had been signed in December 1973. Specifically, the strikers opposed the sharing of political power with Irish nationalists, and the proposed role for the Republic of Ireland's government in running Northern Ireland.
The strike was organised and overseen by the Ulster Workers' Council and Ulster Army Council, which were formed shortly after the Agreement's signing. Both of these groups included Ulster loyalist paramilitaries such as the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) and Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF).Bloomfield, Ken. A tragedy of errors: the government and misgovernment of Northern Ireland. Liverpool University Press, 2007. Page 46. These groups helped to enforce the strike by blocking roads and intimidating workers.David George Boyce and Alan O'Day. Defenders of the Union: a survey of British and Irish unionism since 1801. Routledge, 2001. Page 255.Tonge, Jonathan. Northern Ireland: Conflict and Change. Pearson Education, 2002. Page 119. During the two-week strike, loyalist paramilitaries killed 39 civilians, of whom 33 died in the Dublin and Monaghan bombings.
The strike succeeded in bringing down the power-sharing Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive. Responsibility for the government of Northern Ireland then reverted to the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster under the arrangements for 'Direct Rule'.
The successful strike was later described by the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, as an "outbreak of Ulster nationalism".
Timeline
14 May A debate was held in the Northern Ireland Assembly on a motion condemning power-sharing and the Council of Ireland, a group established under the terms of the Sunningdale Agreement to facilitate co-ordination between the governments of Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom. The motion was defeated by 44 votes to 28. Following the Assembly debate, Harland & Wolff shop steward and Ulster Workers Council (UWC) central organiser Harry Murray told a group of journalists that a general strike would begin the following day in response. The date had been agreed by the UWC some time in advance as they wanted it to coincide with the vote, which they had expected to end in defeat for the hard-line unionist motion.McDonald & Cusack, UDA, p. 75
15 May: Day one of the strike
The strike had a slow start with many workers simply going to work anyway, but after a number of workplace meetings, workers began leaving their workplaces after lunchtime. Murray would later admit that the start of the strike had been poorly organised to the extent that on the first day even his own wife asked him why he was not at work.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 27 By the end of day one, the port of Larne was sealed off, with a significant UDA and UVF presence helping to ensure that no ships were allowed to enter or leave the harbour. Elsewhere roadblocks were set up and manned by loyalist paramilitaries under the Ulster Army Council. Hijacked vehicles were often used to block the streets. Electricity supplies were also disrupted when workers at the Ballylumford power station went on strike. The power cuts forced some factories to close and send workers home. The UWC issued a statement that it would ensure that essential services would continue.
During the evening there was a meeting at Stormont Castle between Stanley Orme (then Minister of State at the Northern Ireland Office) and the representatives of the various groups active in UWC, namely Harry West, Bill Craig and Ian Paisley (the leaders of the three political parties – Ulster Unionist Party, Vanguard Unionist Progressive Party and Democratic Unionist Party – that formed the pro-strike United Ulster Unionist Council), Andy Tyrie and Tommy Lyttle of the UDA and the UVF's Ken Gibson. Orme attempted unsuccessfully to persuade the leaders to abandon the strike although it would not be until the 19th that West followed Craig and Paisley in publicly endorsing the strike.McDonald & Cusack, UDA, p. 79
16 May: Day two of the strike The strike began to impact upon agriculture as milk that had not been collected or processed had to be dumped whilst fresh food was similarly not transported to market. However a group of essential services were defined by the UWC, who permitted these to continue as normal, issuing a phone number for anyone involved in these professions. The full list of services deemed essential by the UWC was as follows: bakeries, groceries, dairies, chemists, butchers, confectioners, electricity, gas, water, sewage, hospitals, animal feed, farmers, wages, banks, schools, medical services, hospital and school transport, solicitors, newspapers, normal recreational activities, coal supplies and postal service. Bars were not included in this list, with the UWC ordering pub closures. This decision, which was made in the evening of 16 May, several hours after the initial list had been published, was strongly influenced by the wives of striking workers, who had complained that many of their husbands were using the strike as an excuse for heavy drinking sessions.
Attempts by significant sections of the workforce to carry on at leading Belfast factories such as Mackies on the Springfield Road and Gallahers on York Road were thwarted when loyalist paramilitaries turned up at the premises ordering everybody out and throwing petrol bombs.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 40 Workers were largely untouched in predominantly Catholic towns such as Strabane as the loyalist paramilitaries had no structure in place to launch an intimidation campaign but even in these locations work was severely disrupted as electricity supplies proved highly unreliable.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 41
A political response to the strike began to develop slowly. In the British House of Commons at Westminster the UWC strike featured as the main subject of Northern Ireland 'question time'. Merlyn Rees met with loyalists leaders at the Northern Ireland Parliament but insisted that he would not negotiate with the UWC. Meanwhile, Executive member Paddy Devlin threatened to resign over the continuing use of internment.
A Catholic civilian, Maureen Moore (21), was shot dead by a loyalist sniper as she stood at the corner of Stratheden Street and Edlingham Street in Belfast.Malcolm Sutton's Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland: 1974 . Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN) A witness said the gunman, believed to be from the UDA, emerged from the Protestant Tiger's Bay area. One woman said there had been sporadic trouble in the area that day and complained that the British Army had done little to stop UDA activity.McKittrick, David. Lost Lives. Mainstream Publishing, 1999. p.447 The army was also engaged in the New Lodge are of north Belfast, breaking up riots between Catholic residents and their Protestant neighbours in Tiger's Bay.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 42
17 May: Day three of the strike Dublin and Monaghan bombings – the UVF exploded four car bombs in the Republic of Ireland. The attacks killed 33 civilians and wounded almost 300 – the highest number of casualties in any single day during "the Troubles". No warnings were given before the bombs were detonated. Three exploded in Dublin during rush hour (killing 26 people and an unborn child) and one exploded in Monaghan 90 minutes later (killing 7 people). Most of the victims were young women, although the ages of the dead ranged from five months to 80 years. There are allegations that British Intelligence colluded in the bombings. Sammy Smyth, then press officer of both the UDA and the UWC Strike Committee, said "I am very happy about the bombings in Dublin. There is a war with the [Republic of Ireland] and now we are laughing at them".
In the strike itself postal delivery services were halted following intimidation of Royal Mail workers. However the Executive put in place arrangements to ensure that Social Security benefits were paid to claimants.
18 May: Day four of the strike
A statement was issued by the UWC indicating that they favoured escalating the strike, calling for an all-out stoppage to commence at midnight on Sunday 19 May. There was still some scepticism about the chances of success for the strike at this point as it had yet to win much support amongst the Protestant middle classes and skilled workers. Indeed, even Rev. Robert Bradford, a member of the Vanguard, had argued that morning that the strike should be ended as he believed the politicians could bring down the Executive on their own.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 60 Nonetheless, a note of caution was sounded when the Executive was informed that the British Army would not be able to run the power stations alone and attempts were made to open negotiations between the UWC and the Northern Ireland Labour Party.
A member of the UDA shot dead UVF member Joseph Shaw during a fight in North Star Bar on North Queen Street, Belfast.
19 May: Day five of the strike Merlyn Rees declared a State of Emergency under Section Forty of the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973. Rees then flew to Chequers for talks with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Meanwhile, the United Ulster Unionist Council met and decided to publicly declare their support for the UWC, which in turn withdrew its earlier call for an all-out stoppage.
20 May: Day six of the strike With the public support of the UUUC now secured the UWC set up a co-ordinating committee to run the strike on more professional lines. Chaired by Glenn Barr, a leading figure in both the Vanguard and the UDA, the group consisted of around fifteen members including the three political party leaders, three UWC members and the heads of the loyalist paramilitaries.Anderson, 14 May Days, pp. 73–74 The first meeting of the committee revealed some friction as Barr entered late and found Ian Paisley sitting at the head of the table. Barr told him "you might be chairman of the Democratic Unionist Party but I'm chairman of the co-ordinating committee, so move over". Paisley moved from the head of the table but carried the chair away with him and the two argued over the chair itself, with Paisley eventually allowed to retain it as he claimed to need a chair with arms due to his back pain.Anderson, 14 May Days, p. 75
As a result of the strikes electricity generation had fallen to around one third of standard levels and telephone calls were to be restricted to emergency use only. Meanwhile, the British government deployed an extra five hundred troops to Northern Ireland. The United Ulster Unionist Council leaders meanwhile took out an advertisement in the Belfast News Letter declaring their support for the UWC.
Catholic civilian Michael Mallon (20) was found shot dead by the side of Milltown Road in Belfast. He had been beaten-up in a UDA club before being shot four times in the head and dumped by the roadside. In the Falls district, a 28-year-old Catholic man was shot four times on a street corner. The gunman sped-off in a car and the victim was reported to be in a critical condition."Britain airlifts troops into Northern Ireland". Bangor Daily News, 21 May 1974.
21 May: Day seven of the strike Len Murray, the then General Secretary of the Trades Union Congress (TUC), led a 'back-to-work' march but it drew only 200 people. The march was flanked by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and British Army but a crowd of loyalists still managed to attack some of the marchers. A simultaneous march in Cregagh attracted only seventeen people.McDonald & Cusack, UDA, p. 80
In a speech at Westminster, British Prime Minister Harold Wilson condemned the strike. He said that it was a "sectarian strike" and was "being done for sectarian purposes".