Islamization () refers to the historical and ongoing process through which Islamic principles, values, and institutions have influenced Bangladesh's legal framework, education system, politics, and social norms. Its proponents have argued that the post-independence government had excluded religious voice and the Islamist right and attempts to remove secularism are a counter-hegemonic response to decades of perceived ideological exclusion.
Bangladesh was originally founded in 1971 as a secular republic grounded in the ideals of secular Bengali nationalism. However, beginning in the late 1970s, successive regimes have incrementally integrated Islamic elements into the state apparatus. Rooted in Bangladesh's experience as part of Muslim-majority Pakistan and shaped by broader pan-Islamist sentiments, the push for Islamization gained momentum under Ziaur Rahman and intensified under Hussain Muhammad Ershad, who declared Islam the state religion in 1988. Today, Islam continues to play a prominent role in Bangladeshi society, law, and politics, often generating debate over the balance between secularism and religious identity in the nation's governance and public life.
Background
The partition of India was based on religion. Pakistan was founded on the basis of securing a sovereign homeland for the Muslims of the subcontinent to live in self-determination.John L. Esposito The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? page 64 Oxford University Press, 1999 , 9780199727209 It led to the creation of Muslim majority Pakistan and Hindu majority India. East Bengal (today Bangladesh) became a province of Pakistan.
After the creation of Pakistan in 1947 during Bengali language movement, many advocated to Muhammad Ali Jinnah making Arabic the state language of Pakistan as a Muslim nationalist country, which was later supported and reiterated by many, but the proposal ultimately did not gain popular support and popularity. These proposals to make Arabic the state language failed to gain substantial support in any part of Pakistan. However, as this demand is linked to the question of the development of Islamic culture, it indirectly reinforced the demand for the introduction of Arabic script in the state language Urdu and Bengali (Dobhashi) in some quarters.
The first formal step taken to transform Pakistan into an ideological Islamic state was in March 1949 when the country's first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan, introduced the Objectives Resolution in the Constituent Assembly. The Objectives Resolution declared that sovereignty over the entire universe belongs to God Almighty. The president of the Muslim League, Chaudhry Khaliquzzaman, announced that Pakistan would bring together all Muslim countries into Islamistan - a pan-Islamic entity. Keith Callard, one of the earliest scholars on Pakistani politics, observed that Pakistanis believed in the essential unity of purpose and outlook in the Muslim world:Pakistan was founded to advance the cause of Muslims. Other Muslims might have been expected to be sympathetic, even enthusiastic. But this assumed that other Muslim states would take the same view of the relation between religion and nationality.
However, Pakistan's pan-Islamist sentiments were not shared by other Muslim governments at the time. Nationalism in other parts of the Muslim world was based on ethnicity, language and culture. Social scientist Nasim Ahmad Jawed conducted a survey in 1969 in pre-divided Pakistan on the type of national identity that was used by educated professional people. He found that over 60% of people in East Pakistan (modern day Bangladesh) professed to have a secular national identity. However, in West Pakistan (current day Pakistan) the same figure professed to have an Islamic and not a secular identity. Furthermore, the same figure in East Pakistan defined their identity in terms of their ethnicity and not Islam. But it was the opposite in West Pakistan where Islam was stated to be more important than ethnicity.
The Muslim nationalism of the Muslim League, which was the basis of creation of Pakistan, was challenged by the rise of socialist outfits like the West Pakistan based Pakistan People's Party & the East Pakistan based All Pakistan Awami League following Jinnah's death. Khwaja Nazimuddin, an influential Muslim League leader, tried to suppress Bengali nationalism ignited by the police firing upon peaceful protestors demanding Bengali be made an official language alongside Urdu on 21st February 1952 by giving greater emphasis on Islamic solidarity, through steps like insisting that Bengali Muslims start writing Bengali in Arabic Nastaliq script instead of the native Eastern Nagari script used by Bengali Hindus & that Bengali Muslims stop using loan words from Sanskrit, which he described as the language of kafirs, a proposal that was first pushed forward by Fazlur Rahman.
Bangladesh was thought to be established on the basis of secular Bengali nationalism that opposed the religion based politics of Pakistan.
History Under Ziaur Rahman (1975–1981)
Following the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Sipahi–Janata Revolution in 1975, Major General Ziaur Rahman's military-backed regime initiated a series of constitutional changes that altered the fundamental principles of Bangladeshi constitution. After solidifying control over the government, his administration began the process of state-sponsored Islamization that significant impacted on the culture and society of Bangladesh. These actions were published in the Extraordinary Gazette of Bangladesh on 23 April 1977, and later legitimized through the fifth amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh on 6 April 1979, which endorsed all government proclamation orders, decrees and modifications made under martial law, even those that conflicted with the constitution's original framework.
Rahman's leadership redefined the ideological identity of the state. One of the most significant shifts was the erosion of secularism. The fifth amendment replaced secularism with the phrase "Absolute Trust and Faith in the Almighty Allāh [God]" as one of the four fundamental principles of the constitution. The amendment also replaced secular Bengali nationalism with Bangladeshi nationalism in the constitution. Islamic phrase Bismillah-ar-Rahman-ar-Rahim (in the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful) was introduced into the preamble of the constitution. The concept of socialism was reinterpreted to mean economic and social justice, while Article 12, which had explicitly enshrined secularism and religious freedom, was entirely removed. In addition, Article 25(2) was incorporated into the constitution, emphasising the state's commitment to foster strong and harmonious relationships among Muslim nations, in which Rahman personally played key role.
Provisions that had barred religion-based political parties were repealed, paving the way for the return of groups like the Bangladesh Muslim League, Jamaat-e-Islami & Nizam-e-Islam previously banned for their opposition to the Liberation War. On 4 May 1976, Proclamation Order III abolished the Article 38 of the constitution, which had previously prohibited the formation of political parties or groupings based on religious orientation. This allowed religiously motivated political groups to participate in the elections. At the same time, the removal of constitutional restrictions on such groups allowed convicted collaborators and war criminals to participate in politics, reversing earlier efforts at accountability. These changes contributed to the decline of secular nationalism as a political philosophy in the country.
In 1977, the government established the Syllabi Committee, which declared Islam a "code of conduct of life". In 1978, Madrasa Education Board was established, which opened new opportunities for the madrasa students to pursue higher education. Furthermore, the Ministry of Religious Affairs was established, alongside the declaration of Mīlād al-Nabī (Muhammad's birthday) as a national holiday.
In these matters, Ziaur Rahman of Bangladesh was a contemporary of Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan, who fostered similar sociopolitical changes, in the backdrop of an Islamic revival, triggered by the Iranian revolution and Grand Mosque seizure in 1979 and the rise of the Afghan mujahideen. However, Rahman himself opposed theocracy as the system of governance for Bangladesh.
These reforms, viewed by the judiciary in a later 2005 High Court verdict, were seen as damaging to the sovereign, democratic, and secular nature of the constitution. The court declared the amendment "unconstitutional". The court concluded that the amendments disrupted the core structure of the republic and compromised the spirit of the Liberation War. The Supreme Court upheld this verdict on 2 February 2010, with modifications and observations, affirming that the amendment fundamentally distorted the values of the Liberation War and transformed Bangladesh from a secular republic into a state influenced by theocratic principles.
Under Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982–1990) Following the assassination of Ziaur Rahman in 1981, General Hussain Muhammad Ershad seized power in a bloodless military coup on 24 March 1982, overthrowing the democratically elected president Abdus Sattar. Ershad had a strong vision of Islamization in Bangladesh, which he considered to be the driving force behind his unwavering commitment. Under his leadership, the process of state-sponsored Islamization accelerated.
In 1988, Ershad government made a significant and controversial change to the constitution through the Eighth Amendment Bill that recognized Islam as the state religion of Bangladesh. This marked a permanent departure from the country's original secular foundation established in 1972. This was criticized by his opponents as a strategic move to "cultivate alliances with Islamic nations and legitimise his authoritarian regime". It was intriguing when the Awami League (AL), Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and leftist parties organized strikes opposing the eighth amendment, where Jamaat-e-Islami abstained. His Islamization of the constitution has had a lasting impact on the political and ideological landscape of Bangladesh.
Resistance against Ershad's regime grew in the later years. In 1990, the Ershad's regime was widely blamed for negligence (and some human rights analysis allege active participation) in the anti-Hindu riots following the Babri Mosque incident in India, the largest communal disturbances since Bangladeshi independence, as a means of diverting attention from the rapidly increasing opposition to his rule. Ershad was forced to resign following the 1990 mass uprising, primarily spearheaded by the BNP and AL.
Under Khaleda Zia (2001–2006) In 2001, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) formed a coalition government led by Khaleda Zia with the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, the largest Islamist political party in Bangladesh. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami received 17 seats which would be reduced to 18 seats in 2008. In the 2001 election manifestos, major political parties in Bangladesh showed little ideological difference regarding Islam. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party pledged not to pass laws against Islam, while Jamaat-e-Islami promised to turn the country into an "Islamic republic". The Awami League and Jatiya Party also emphasized aligning laws with the Qur'an and Hadith, with the JP further advocating for Shariah-based legal reforms and compulsory religious education.
After the 2001 election, Hindus suffered widespread attacks, including looting and assault, with state indifference. The Ahmadiyya Muslim community has also faced attacks since 2002, and the government banned their publications in 2004 under pressure from Islamist groups.