General elections were held in Costa Rica on 1 February 2026 to elect the president, two vice-presidents, and all 57 deputies of the Legislative Assembly.
Laura Fernández, the candidate of the Sovereign People's Party (PPSO), won the presidential election with 48.53% of the votes, defeating Álvaro Ramos Chaves of the National Liberation Party (PLN) and 18 other candidates in the first round. This exceeded the threshold of 40% required to win the election in a single round. She is the second woman to be elected president of Costa Rica.
The PPSO also won a majority of the seats in the Legislative Assembly (the first time since 1990 that a single party had done so): 31, against the PLN's 17. The Broad Front (FA) won seven, with the two remaining seats going to the Citizen Agenda Coalition (CAC) and the Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC), the latter of which obtained its worst electoral result since its foundation in 1983.
Background
The victory of businessman Rodrigo Chaves in the 2022 general election caused a major political shift, as he was a candidate outside the traditional parties and opposed to the classic institutional system. Despite good macroeconomic indicators during his administration, especially due to economic growth and record exports, the reduction in unemployment and poverty, and the fall in inflation, Chaves maintained tensions with the other branches of the state, especially the Supreme Electoral Court (TSE). On 7 September 2025, the TSE asked the Legislative Assembly to lift Chaves' immunity so that he could be prosecuted for fifteen complaints received for political belligerence, that is, for using his position to favour a party in the elections. In December 2025 the Legislative Assembly rejected removing Chaves' immunity. He also faced corruption accusations by the Supreme Court.
At the same time, Costa Rica experienced an unprecedented increase in violence associated with drug trafficking and organised crime, which damaged the country's historical image as a peaceful democracy. This deterioration in security became the main concern for citizens and dominated public debate. In 2024, the Costa Rican Constitution was amended to allow for the extradition of drug traffickers and domestic terrorists wanted by foreign authorities.
Chaves maintained a historic approval rating, although between October 2025 and January 2026 it fell from 63% to 58% and obtained a 28% disapproval rating, 8 points higher, according to the Centre for Political Research and Studies (CIEP) at the University of Costa Rica. He was ineligible to run in 2026, as the constitution limits the consecutive re-election of presidents, who are eligible to run for office eight years after the end of their term.
Electoral system The president of Costa Rica is elected using a modified two-round system in which a candidate must receive at least 40% of the vote to win in the first round; if no candidate wins in the first round, a runoff is held between the two candidates with most votes.Costa Rica IFES Each presidential candidate shares the ballot with two vice-presidential candidates.
The 57 members of the Legislative Assembly of Costa Rica are elected using a closed list voting system with proportional representation through the largest remainder method from seven multi-member constituencies which are based on the seven provinces, allocated seats based on population (in this election the constituencies varied between five and 18 seats).Electoral system IPU Overseas voters may cast ballots in the presidential election, but not for members of the Legislative Assembly.
Presidential candidates
The following table shows the candidates nominated by the eligible parties: +PartyIdeologyTicketPresident1st Vice President2nd VicePresident Broad FrontDemocratic socialismAriel RoblesMargarita Salas GuzmánGuillermo Arroyo MuñozCitizen AgendaCoalitionCitizens' Action PartySocial democracyClaudia Dobles CamargoAndrea Centeno RodríguezLuis Felipe ArauzNational Democratic Agenda Costa Rica First AllianceSocial democracyDouglas Caamaño QuirósLissa Freckleton OwensCarlos Moya Bonilla Costa Rican Democratic Union PartyBoris MolinaEdgardo Morales RomeroMaricela Morales Mora Costa Rican Social Justice PartySocial democracyWálter Hernández JuárezShirley González MoraEduardo Rojas Murillo Costa Rica Rules HerePopulismRonny CastilloHazel Arias MataWilliam Anderson Lewis Democratic and Social Center PartyAna Virginia CalzadaOldemar Rodríguez RojasHeilen Díaz Gutiérrez ForwardClassical liberalismJosé Aguilar BerrocalEvita Arguedas MakloufMarcela Ortiz Bonilla Hope and Freedom PartyHumanismMarco RodríguezCarlos Palacios FrancoFabiola Romero Cruz National Hope PartyProgressive conservatismClaudio Alpízar OtoyaAndrés Castillo SaboríoNora González Chacón National Integration PartyNational conservatismLuis Amador JiménezJorge BorbónKatya Berdugo Ulate National Liberation PartySocial democracyÁlvaro Ramos ChavesKaren Segura FernándezXinia Chaves Quirós New Generation PartyConservatismFernando ZamoraLisbeth Quesada TristánYeudy Sulem Araya New Republic PartyChristian rightFabricio Alvarado MuñozDavid Segura GamboaRosalía Brown Young Progressive Liberal PartyClassical liberalismEliécer Feinzaig MintzTania Molina RojasGabriel Zamora Baudrit Social Christian Unity PartyChristian democracyJuan Carlos HidalgoYolanda Fernández OchoaSteven Barrantes Núñez Social Democratic Progress PartyLiberalismLuz Mary Alpízar LoaizaFrank Mckenzie PeterkinMaritza Bustamante Venegas Sovereign People's PartyRight-wing populismLaura Fernández DelgadoFrancisco Gamboa SotoDouglas Soto Campos United We CanLibertarianismNatalia Díaz QuintanaJorge Ernesto OcampoLuis Diego Vargas Working Class PartyTrotskyismDavid Hernández BrenesObeth Morales BarqueroJeimy Castro Valverde
Campaign The Supreme Electoral Court officially launched the election campaign on 1 October 2025. Fernández's campaign was centered on crime, amid voters' concerns about a rise in drug violence. Since 2023, Costa Rica's murder rate has climbed by over 50% compared to before Chaves took office in 2022. She said she would follow a path similar to that of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele, including plans to complete the construction of a mega-prison modeled after the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT) built by Bukele. Fernández said she planned to declare a state of emergency in gang-controlled areas. Chaves's government and his policy on crime were generally popular among the Costa Rican public, and Fernández capitalized on Chaves's popularity. Fernández has said that she plans to expand the use of cargo scanners at the country's airports and seaports and strengthen partnerships with foreign and international law enforcement in order to cut down on drug trafficking.
Despite a numerically positive economic situation, the growth in the Costa Rican economy has only shown results for a small minority of citizens. Much improvement has happened only in "free trade zones", which offer tax breaks and less customs regulation for investors. Despite growth in some sectors, Costa Rica's domestic market economy has shown negligible improvement.
Fernández is opposed to abortion; she has promised to double the maximum prison sentence for women who have abortions to six years. Fernández has signaled that she will appoint outgoing president Chaves to a position in her cabinet, likely chief of staff. Voters also expressed concern at the degradation of Costa Rica's public services, such as education, healthcare, and transportation. Costa Rica is also in a dire situation demographically: a rapid increase in the average age in the country is expected in the coming decades, putting strain on the Costa Rican pension system. The environment is also a factor in the public's perception of the government, with lofty sustainability goals often left far from being met. Despite promises for a "green Costa Rica", the government plans to scale back a ban on fossil fuel exploration and to accelerate the exploitation of the country's natural resources.
International human rights observers have warned that Fernández may erode the rule of law and undermine checks and balances in Costa Rica. Many internal political groups also expressed concern at the PPSO's centralization of power. The election cycle showed a marked decrease in political participation, with barely 20% of citizens being a member of a political party. Álvaro Ramos, the National Liberation Party candidate and runner-up in the election, presented himself as a centrist alternative to the PPSO. Ramos said in a speech on 22 January that he supports the middle class. He also presents himself as opposing what he considers to be Costa Rica's growing authoritarianism, saying that he is "the strongest proposal in defense of our most important value as Costa Ricans, which is democracy". Ramos opposes the opening of Chaves's mega-prison, saying "you don't have to lock people up for being tattooed". He does still support taking a firm stance against crime, calling during the final debate for a larger police force and improved intelligence sharing with international partners. Ramos promised tax incentives for small businesses as well as infrastructure projects to reduce unemployment and create jobs.
The former first lady Claudia Dobles of the Citizen Agenda Coalition ran on a progressive platform. Dobles supported social reform and environmental protections. Regarding crime, Dobles said during the final debate before the election that she supported community-based enforcement and pushed for larger reforms in the judiciary. She said that she planned to modernize hospitals and provide free higher education.
Opinion polls According to the Public Opinion Studies Report from the Center for Political Research and Studies (CIEP) at the University of Costa Rica, 55% of voters were still undecided in December 2025, and 75% said they did not sympathize with any political party.
Presidential Campaign period PollsterDateSampleOtherDK/DANeitherAlvaradoPNRDoblesCACFernándezPPSORamosPLNRoblesFAIDESPO22 January 20268051.7%5.2%39.9%6.0%3.5%4.2%38.8%0.7%OPOL21 January 202630753.5%3.6%43.2%6.6%2.6%10.4%29.8%0.3%CIEP21 January 202610064.0%5.0%40.0%8.0%4.0%6.7%32.0%0.3%OPOL14 January 202630704.2%3.1%42.5%6.2%3.0%9.2%29.0%2.8%OPOL7 January 202630083.3%2.7%40.3%6.0%3.1%9.6%34.5%0.5%CID Gallup6 January 202612005.9%3.6%40.7%9.0%4.3%11.1%11.0%14.4%OPOL23 December 202532413.0%2.6%39.4%5.6%3.1%9.6%33.8%2.9%Demoscopía15 December 202512003.5%3.1%27.4%11.3%4.8%8.2%41.7% -OPOL10 December 202529653.8%2.4%38.0%6.1%3.6%11.2%32.7%2.2%Idespo8 December 20258051.5%5.2%32.8%6.6%3.7%2.9%45.5%1.8%CIEP 3 December 202517591.0%4.0%30.0%8.0%5.0%4.4%45.0%2.6%OPOL26 November 202530403.7%2.8%37.7%6.9%3.4%10.5%34.1%0.9%Demoscopía17 November 202512005.0%3.0%21.4%9.0%4.0%10.5%19.4%27.7%OPOL12 November 202530724.0%1.3%37.8%7.2%2.4%8.4%37.9%1.0%IDESPO6 November 20258320.6%2.3%28.1%6.2%2.9%3.9%54.0%2.0%OPOL29 October 202529514.8%2.9%31.2%7.4%3.7%9.2%39.0%1.8%CIEP22 October 202513330.6%3.0%25.0%7.0%3.0%3.9%55.0%2.5%
Pre-campaign period PollsterDateSampleOtherDK/DANeitherAlvaradoPNRDoblesCACFernándezPPSORamosPLNRoblesFAOPOL30 September 202530008.7%5.5%45.1%9.4%6.4%24.9% -Enfoques Investigaciones MP18 September 202580013.0%5.0%26.0%9.0%3.0%12.0%32.0% -CID Gallup11 September 2025120515.0%5.0%20.0%8.0%4.0%12.0%12.0%24.0%CIEP10 September 202510031.0%2.0%12.0%6.0%5.0%12.0%57.0%5.0%OPOL3 September 202530006.8%3.9%27.6%8.4%4.2%14.8%5.6%28.7%Sondeo CIOdD-UCR2 September 202541110.8%17.2%13.1%24.7%20.8%15.3%8.1% -OPOL5 August 202530207.2%3.4%24.0%7.1%3.2%11.9%14.7%28.5%OPOL8 July 2025180010.3%3.8%13.1%7.6%2.9%17.6%9.3%35.4%
Legislative