The proclamation of the French Republic on September 4, 1870, announced to the French people that the Republic was being reestablished, thereby founding the Third Republic, and causing the downfall of Emperor Napoleon III and the fall of the Second Empire. This event represents the fourth French Revolution, following those of 1789, 1830, and 1848.
French troops were defeated by the Prussian army and subsequently surrounded in Sedan, where Emperor Napoleon III surrendered on September 2. The news of the defeat was received in Paris the following day and caused considerable shock. The indecision of the Council of Ministers, which was led by the Empress Regent, and the , where Orleanist deputy Adolphe Thiers and Republican deputies supported a solution involving a national unity government drawn from the elected national representatives, resulted in a popular uprising.
On the afternoon of September 4, the Palais Bourbon, the seat of the Legislative Body, was stormed. Republican deputies Léon Gambetta and Jules Favre proclaimed the regime's fall and led the crowd to Paris City Hall, where the Third Republic was proclaimed. Meanwhile, the Empress fled the Tuileries Palace. A Government of National Defense was formed, under the presidency of General Trochu, to continue the war against Prussia.
The proclamation of the Republic did not immediately result in stability. The government could not withstand the siege of Paris and signed an armistice in January 1871. Following the Paris Commune uprising and the monarchists' victory in the legislative elections held on February 8, 1871, the new regime appeared weakened.
The founding event of September 4 is often overlooked in collective memory. Rarely celebrated by republican governments, it receives little attention in the extensive historiography of the Third Republic, and is the subject of few studies in its own right. September 4, 1870, differs from other revolutionary episodes in that it did not result in the loss of life or the construction of barricades. Consequently, some historians are reluctant to classify it as a revolution.
Context
Tensions with Prussia and the war declaration By May 1870, the Second Empire appeared to be more robust than ever. The French populace expressed overwhelming approval for the liberal reforms initiated by Napoleon III in the May 8 plebiscite, with over 7 million votes in favor. On June 30, the Emperor's Chief of Staff, Émile Ollivier, asserted that "at no other time has the maintenance of peace in Europe been more assured." However, the prospect of conflict with Prussia was revived when Prince Leopold of Hohenzollern became a candidate for the Spanish throne on June 21, 1870, following the throne vacancy for two years. Upon its arrival in Paris on July 5, this news provoked an uproar. France could not tolerate what seemed like encirclement, similar to the situation during the reign of Charles V, given that Leopold was a cousin of the Prussian king, Wilhelm I. On July 6, from the podium of the , Foreign Minister Agénor de Gramont issued an ultimatum to Prussia. The deputies, subsequently joined by the press and public opinion, supported his position, thereby rendering a military conflict inevitable.
The withdrawal of Prince Hohenzollern's candidacy on July 12, 1870, did not reduce tensions. With the support of Empress Eugénie, the ultra-Bonapartist deputies, who were opposed to the liberal regime and the peace advocated by Émile Ollivier, pressured France to demand a written commitment of definitive renunciation and guarantees for the future from the King of Prussia. Despite confirming his cousin's renunciation, Wilhelm I refused to comply with France's demands.
For Chancellor Bismarck, a war with France appeared to be the optimal means of completing the unification of Germany. He employed a strategy of calculated ambiguity, modifying the polite response that Wilhelm I had provided in the Ems Dispatch into a more dismissive version. This was interpreted as an insult by French public opinion, which became incensed. Consequently, Napoleon III and Émile Ollivier, who were proponents of peace and the convening of a congress to settle the Franco-Prussian dispute, were drawn into the war.
There were few dissenting voices. From the podium of the , Orleanist deputy Adolphe Thiers criticized the government for "breaking over a matter of sensitivity" when it had already achieved its objective. However, he was constantly interrupted by boos and insults. Similarly, Republican Léon Gambetta condemned the government's refusal to produce documents proving its claim that the country had been insulted. Ultimately, the military credits were approved, and war was declared on Prussia on July 19.
Defeat at Sedan and the capture of Napoleon III
The French army was less well-prepared than the Prussian army and suffered a complete rout due to being outnumbered. On August 3, the Prussian General Staff, under the direction of Helmuth von Moltke, issued an order for troops to cross the border. Six days later, the French forces were defeated at Frœschwiller-Wœrth and were compelled to retreat. The news of this defeat was met with shock and indignation in Paris. On August 9, an incensed assembly assembled before the . However, most Republicans, still optimistic about a military resurgence, declined to initiate a revolution that would be perceived as a betrayal of the army and a rupture in national unity. Subsequent insurrectionary attempts, including one by Gaston Crémieux in Marseille on August 8 and another by the Blanquists in Paris on August 14, similarly failed to gain traction. The French army's defeat was attributed to Émile Ollivier, who was compelled to resign.
The proposal put forth by Republican Jules Favre, which called for the formation of a fifteen-member committee to govern in unity and repel the invasion, was rejected by the deputies. In her capacity as regent, Empress Eugénie appointed Charles Cousin-Montauban, Count of Baliqiao, a Bonapartist and authoritarian figure, to head the government. In the provinces, the French defeats that occurred in the early stages of the conflict also caused surprise, disappointment, and anger. Far-left groups attempted to capitalize on the situation, launching attacks on town halls, seminaries, and Jesuit residences. Incidents were documented in Marseille, Toulon, Montpellier, Nîmes, Mâcon, Beaune, Limoges, Bordeaux, and Périgueux, while in Lyon, some groups considered seceding from the Empire and establishing municipal autonomy. However, the majority of French citizens retained confidence in the emperor.
Marshal Bazaine, the commander-in-chief of the Army of the Rhine, found himself encircled in Metz on August 19 with approximately half of the French troops under his command. The emperor contemplated a strategic withdrawal to Paris, but under considerable pressure from the empress and the Minister of War, who feared such a decision would incite popular unrest, Napoleon III ultimately opted to march to Bazaine's aid with the Army of Châlons, which was under the command of Marshal MacMahon. However, these troops were also surrounded in Sedan. Despite valiant efforts to break out, the emperor ultimately surrendered on September 2.
Events (September 3–5, 1870)
From the afternoon of September 3 to the night of September 4
Announcement of the defeat to the Empress and ministers’ meeting
On the afternoon of September 3, 1870, Henri Chevreau, the Minister of the Interior, proceeded to the Tuileries Palace to apprise the Empress of the contents of numerous telegrams from mayors and sub-prefects. These telegrams detailed the movements of French soldiers in retreat through various towns in the north and east of France. In the palace corridors, he encountered the Director of Telegraphs, who owned a dispatch in which Napoleon III informed his wife of his capture and the defeat at Sedan. Henri Chevreau delivered the dispatch to the Empress, who promptly decided to convene a Council of Ministers.
The ministers assembled at 6 p.m. to discuss the gravity of the disaster, yet no decisions were reached regarding the subsequent course of action. The potential of the Empress and a government delegation relocating to a provincial city was contemplated, yet ultimately dismissed due to concerns that it might be perceived as a betrayal by the people of Paris, particularly in light of the Prussian army's advancement towards the capital. Similarly, Eugène Schneider, president of the , who was entitled to participate in the council with a consultative voice, used a recess in the session to propose to Eugénie that executive power be transferred to a commission elected by the deputies. He believed that this course of action would circumvent a revolution and placate the public by removing those responsible for the defeat. However, the Empress rejected this proposal. The ministers, with the support of Eugène Schneider, agreed to postpone the convening of the Legislative Body until noon the following day, after another scheduled Council of Ministers for 8 a.m. Additionally, a hastily drafted proclamation to the Parisians announcing the defeat, written by the Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, , was also approved.
In his essay, posited that the Empress's indecision was a consequence of her inability to make decisions without first ascertaining the intentions of General Trochu, the military governor of Paris. Despite Henri Chevreau's insistence, Trochu declined to meet with her that evening. For numerous Bonapartists, this refusal constituted evidence of the governor's perfidy. They accused him of having conspired with the Republicans for an extended period to destabilize the regime. However, Pierre Cornut-Gentille posited that Trochu's demeanor was more likely a consequence of the distrust that the Empress and the Minister of War had exhibited towards him since his appointment. Historian Éric Anceau posits that General Trochu "did not want to compromise his popularity by associating himself with the regent amid the general collapse and preferred to present himself, when the time came, as a savior." The military governor of the capital and his staff engaged in efforts to accelerate the completion of Paris's defensive fortifications throughout the evening and night.
Morning of September 4: The fall of the regime
The news of the French defeat was conveyed to the Palais Bourbon, the seat of the , at the precise moment the Empress received Napoleon III's telegram. A considerable number of deputies congregated around Adolphe Thiers. Despite having been subjected to criticism for his pacifist stance a few weeks earlier, he was now regarded by many as the man who had been sent by Providence. A group of republican deputies, including Jules Favre, Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, Léon Gambetta, Jules Ferry, and Joseph Magnin, approached Thiers to propose the formation of a "provisional national defense committee." This committee would consist of deputies from various political factions, except for Bonapartists. In their view, the humiliating capitulation left the Regent and the government with no alternative but to relinquish power. Only a figure like Thiers, they believed, could unite people under his name. For Adolphe Thiers, the only viable outcome was a peace treaty with Prussia, albeit an unfavorable one. Despite agreeing with the concept of a more expansive government that would ultimately result in the emperor's downfall, he declined to be part of it, citing his reluctance to bear the consequences of a war he had striven to avert. In this stance, Thiers asserted that neither he nor the Republicans should assume responsibility.