The purge of the French Civil Service between 1879 and 1884, also known as the revolution of jobs, refers to a series of political measures taken in France by the Republicans at the beginning of the Third Republic. These measures were designed to cleanse the administration, army, and judiciary of their most conservative members. This purge was not the first to be experienced by the regime; others had occurred in 1870, 1871, 1876, and 1877.
In the aftermath of the crisis that unfolded on 16 May 1877, and the subsequent legislative elections, the monarchists lost control of the Chamber of Deputies to the . This shift in political power was met with a reciprocal change in the conservative government, as evidenced by the Republican purge of December 1877, which had a particularly pronounced impact on the prefectural corps. Following the Republican victory in the 1879 senatorial elections, the new majority demanded a more thorough purge of the administration. This resulted in a new period of purges that profoundly renewed the personnel of the Third Republic. The aim was to remove all officials suspected of collusion with the and to prevent the administration from opposing the legislature directives. This purge affected institutions regularly subjected to cleansing during periods of regime change, including public prosecutors, generals, the Council of State, the judiciary, police, ministry directors, diplomats abroad, and the financial administration and judiciary. It is notable for its unprecedented intensity in the 19th century. The purges concluded in 1883–1884 under the , which saw the removal of numerous judges in a process that disregarded the principle of security of tenure. This event is regarded as one of the harshest in the history of the French judicial system.
The period of civil service purges, directed against conservatives and Catholics, they had the effect of consolidating the regime and the domination of moderate Republicans over it. However, it also contributed to the marginalization of certain groups, such as Catholic jurists, who were forced into opposition. These individuals would go on to provide cadres for resistance to the secularization of society and anti-Republican movements like Action Française.
Political context
"Republic of the dukes"
In the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, which resulted in the demise of the Second Empire, the Third Republic was largely influenced by royalists. They regarded the Republic as a provisional regime, destined to pave the way for reinstating a legitimist or Orleanist claimant to the throne. To facilitate this transition, the royalists elected Marshal MacMahon as the head of the regime in the 1873 election, with the title of President of the French Republic. However, the two royalist factions could not reach a consensus and voted in November 1873 to establish a , extending MacMahon's presidency. It was hoped that the crisis could be resolved by the end of his term.
The rise of Bonapartism in the partial elections of 1874 altered the political landscape. Both the Republicans and royalists endorsed the constitutional laws of 1875. These texts established the fundamental principles of the Republic. Even though had intended them to govern a transitional regime, they served as the Constitution until its dissolution in 1940.
Crisis of 16 May 1877
The 1876 legislative elections resulted in a majority for the Republican Party in the Chamber of Deputies. The coexistence between Marshal MacMahon and the majority in the Chamber was fraught with difficulty. Ultimately, ultramontane demonstrations in favor of the restoration of Pope Pius IX's temporal power led to a rupture between the and the Duke of Magenta.Nobility title of Patrice de Mac Mahon. This event, occurring on 16 May 1877, came to be known as the Crisis of 16 May. Following the Constitution, the President of the Republic exercised his right of dissolution and called for new legislative elections. The dismissed the prefects appointed by Jules Simon and reinstated personnel loyal to the Moral Order. This resulted in 62 prefectural posts changing hands, with half of the prefects being left without positions, and all the sub-prefects being replaced. In total, 1,625 state agents were dismissed, and the government ordered civil servants to facilitate the electoral victory of the conservative majority.
The early elections of October 1877 confirmed the Republican majority, necessitating the appointment of Jules Dufaure as Prime minister by Marshal MacMahon. On 13 December 1877, Dufaure proceeded to form a . The period following the formation of the was marked by a significant purge of the prefectural corps. Between 13 December 1877, and 1 January 1878, 85 prefects, 78 , and 280 sub-prefects were dismissed by Émile de Marcère. These high-ranking officials, who had served during the Moral Order, were considered to have espoused a conservative ideology by the new government. The number of prefects remaining in office across metropolitan France was reduced to two, representing a "prefectural massacre" that stands unparalleled except by the Republican purges of 1848 and 1870. Subsequently, the public prosecutor's office and the justice of the peace were affected by individual measures, resulting in the dismissal of five attorneys general, the transfer of two, the dismissal of 177 justices of the peace, and the relocation of 168. These actions were taken to rid the administration of officials who were most compromised with the former majority.
Following the 1879 senatorial elections, which resulted in a shift towards the left in the , the Republican Party's control was further consolidated. With the full legislative power at their disposal, they initiated a campaign of civil service purges to ensure the loyalty of the state apparatus to the newly adopted political orientations. This purge, which had been in the planning stages for some time, was based in part on reports that had been collected before 16 May by Republican committees in collaboration with Freemasonry networks. These reports identified some high-ranking officials and military personnel who were deemed suitable for removal from their posts, thereby foreshadowing other instances of collusion between Republicans and Freemasons, such as the "Affair of the Cards" at the beginning of the 20th century.
Developments
Turning point of January 1879
Pressures from the Chamber of Deputies Government Declaration of 16 January 1879: "Another aspect of our internal life rightly concerns you, gentlemen. You ask us whether the numerous civil servants who make up the French administration are equally devoted to our new institutions. They may have hesitated about their duty in the early years following the war. But since the Republic became the constitutional government of France when two elections to the Chamber of Deputies and the last Senate elections gave this new regime a great and solemn consecration, can there still be any doubt? While a private citizen may use the broad freedom of speech and writing that the law allows against our institutions, can a civil servant do the same? Is not the use of a right by the former a kind of betrayal by the latter?
These principles of social morality are indisputable. However, in applying them, it is essential to consider the residual effects of the electoral struggles of 1877, as well as the prevailing sentiments of justice and respect for public service. It is imperative to maintain a zero-tolerance approach towards civil servants who, even outside the scope of their duties, engage in attacks and denigration of the very government they are entrusted to serve.
In short, we will not keep in office the declared adversaries of the Republic. But while being severe, we strive to be just, and we first want to be sure of the fault before imposing the penalty."
Following the January 1879 French Senate election, which resulted in a Republican majority in the Senate, demands for a purge of the civil service once again gained momentum. On 16 January, the government was compelled to address the matter in its ministerial declaration. The declaration asserted that it was untenable for the civil service to oppose Republican institutions but clarified that dismissals would only affect those who were (or would be) guilty of deficiencies in the performance of their duties.
Although Jules Dufaure's interpretation of the declaration was deemed satisfactory by the Senate, Émile de Marcère could not assuage the demands of the Chamber of Deputies, which was in a state of upheaval. While the supported the government, the radicals of the Republican Union found the government's conciliatory approach "unacceptable." Ultimately, the members of the Republican Left group demanded the issuance of a new declaration with more detailed information, thereby enabling them to Motion of Confidence in the government.
In this context of unrest, leftist deputy Jules Sénard challenged the government, denouncing the public ministry's superficial fidelity to the principles of the Republic. He concluded his remarks with the following statement: "The speaker would be pleased to see the ministry remain in office by declaring that it would associate itself through actions with the majority's desire to see only those civil servants willing to serve the Republic kept in office." Jules Dufaure delivered a response speech—judged by the deputies to be skillful—wherein he refuted the radicals' attacks while declaring himself ready to be more severe when the time was right.
Having reassured the Republican Left of his intentions, the Prime Minister's proposal was adopted by the Chamber by a vote of 223 to 121. The motion, proposed by Jules Ferry, declared: "The Chamber of Deputies, relying on the government's assertions and persuaded that the Cabinet, now unencumbered by constraints, will not hesitate, following the significant national event of January 5, to provide the Republican majority with the justifications it has long sought on behalf of the country, particularly concerning the administrative and judicial personnel, proceeds to the subsequent item on the agenda," a text that effectively constitutes a vote of confidence.
Resignation of Mac Mahon
In response to mounting pressure from the lower chamber, Jules Dufaure's government initiated the formulation of new measures aimed at further political cleansing. Despite his opposition to these measures, Patrice de Mac Mahon ultimately yielded to the determination of the ministers. The tipping point came when the Council of Ministers resolved to take action against French generals. This purge, requested by Minister of War Henri Gresley, targeted military leaders identified as hostile to the Republic in files compiled by Léon Gambetta between 1876 and 1878 with the assistance of Freemason networks. On 28 January 1879, the Marshal unequivocally declined to endorse these dismissals, stating, "Dismiss magistrates, prefects, and officials." If that is your decision, then so be it. However, I must object to the dismissal of generals. I would rather relinquish my position than acquiesce to these actions. My continued tenure after 14 December 1877, was solely to safeguard the integrity of the military. "To abandon it today would be to dishonor myself." The five generals whose dismissal was ordered were army corps commanders Charles Denis Bourbaki, Henri Jules Bataille, François Charles du Barail, , and . In addition, five other general officers were reassigned to remove them from their responsibilities. Subsequently, in the aftermath of the purported military conspiracy of 1877, the government dismissed three generals, including the legitimist Auguste Alexandre Ducrot.