The search for a candidate for the throne of Greece began soon after the start of the Greek War of Independence against the Ottoman Empire (1821–1829) and concluded two years after the international recognition of the country's independence in 1830, and was a pivotal moment in Greek history. The conflict was significantly shaped by the involvement of major European powers, namely the United Kingdom, Russia, and France, as well as internecine Greek conflicts during and after the War of Independence.

From the outset of the Greek War of Independence, the leaders of the rebellion recognized that the major European powers, collectively known as the "Conservative Order" that emerged from the Congress of Vienna, would only acknowledge Greece's independence if it adopted a monarchical form of government. Consequently, the Greeks endeavored to identify a foreign prince who would be amenable to assuming governance of their nation, a prospect that piqued the interest of several ambitious contenders. However, the discord among the powers and the insurgents' precarious position against the Ottoman forces made the election impossible for an extended period.

As the Greek rebellion waned around 1825-1826, the international impact of the fall of Missolonghi prompted the major powers to intervene militarily in the conflict and gradually recognize Greece's independence. By the end of 1827, Greece had been practically liberated from Ottoman rule. However, the Greek people were not consulted in the royal election, which was conducted by the powers that had taken charge of the matter. Initially reluctant to accept a foreign-imposed monarchy, the Greek people ultimately welcomed the arrival of an independent sovereign to unify the young nation.

The initial candidate proposed by the powers was Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the son-in-law of King George IV of the United Kingdom. He was initially inclined to accept the honor, but ultimately declined the Greek crown due to the indecisiveness of Governor Ioannis Kapodistrias, leader of the Greek government, and the refusal of European governments to guarantee more favorable borders for Greece. Subsequently, other candidates were considered, but the Revolutions of 1830 resulted in the election becoming a less prominent priority for the chancelleries of the major powers. It was not until several months later that the name of the second son of King Louis I of Bavaria was proposed.

At the age of 17, the prince was subject to a regency imposed by the Fifth Greek National Assembly and the major powers. He finally ascended to the Greek throne as King Otto I in 1832, marking the beginning of the Kingdom of Greece. This period was characterised by a regime that was close to absolutism.

Background: the Greek Revolution and Europe of the Holy Alliance

In the aftermath of the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the European continent was largely dominated by the Holy Alliance. Initially constituted by three of the four major states that had participated in the destruction of the Napoleonic Empire (Russia, Austria, and Prussia), the Holy Alliance subsequently extended its membership to include other countries, such as France under the rule of Louis XVIII in 1818.

The Holy Alliance was established to maintain equilibrium within Europe and prevent the recurrence of revolutionary upheavals. However, it rapidly evolved into a mechanism for preserving absolutism. The influence of Austrian Chancellor Klemens von Metternich resulted in the assertion of the "right of intervention [of foreign armies] if the internal situation of a state threatens the peace of its neighbors", which transformed the alliance into a counter-revolutionary entity and guarantor of the Conservative Order. Insurrections and national aspirations contrary to the maintenance of this status quo were suppressed by this alliance. In 1821, the Congress of Laibach legitimized the intervention of Austrian armies in the kingdoms of the Two Sicilies and Piedmont-Sardinia to suppress revolutionary movements. Two years later, in 1823, the Congress of Verona tasked the French army under the Duke of Angoulême with leading the Spanish expedition to overthrow the liberal Spanish government and restore the absolutist power of King Ferdinand VII.

In this profoundly reactionary context, the uprising in the Danubian Principalities (Moldavia and Wallachia), then under Ottoman suzerainty, by the troops of Alexander Ypsilantis (February-June 1821) and then the insurrection of Greece (from March 1821) and the declaration of the country's independence at the Congress of Epidaurus (1 January 1822) were initially perceived as threats to European stability. However, as the war in the Peloponnese and elsewhere continued, the stance of the major powers shifted. The Treaty of London of 6 July 1827, saw the Russian, French, and British governments move away from the influence of Metternich and the Holy Alliance, instead intervening in support of the Greek insurgents.

Nevertheless, the gradual acceptance of an autonomous government in Greece by the powers did not mean a consent to the establishment of a republican regime in the country. Therefore, it quickly became a question of finding a ruler for Greece within the great family of European monarchies. Moreover, many Greeks, from Adamantios Korais to Theodoros Kolokotronis, feared that their movement would be associated with Carbonarism. Candidates for the Greek throne (with the exception of a Bonaparte) were thus seen, even within Greece, as the best defense against this suspicion of Carbonarism.

Before independence

Early efforts From Catherine II's Dream to the First Greek Projects

The concept of restoring Greece's independence and transforming it into a kingdom was not a novel one. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1787-1792, Empress Catherine II endeavored to establish her second grandson, Grand Duke Constantine Pavlovich, as the ruler of a restored Byzantine Empire in the so-called "Greek Plan". Subsequently, Napoleon Bonaparte postulated the recreation of the Byzantine Empire and the appointment of a member of his own family as its leader. In 1815, the Congress of Vienna contemplated the transformation of the Ionian Islands into an autonomous principality under the governance of Eugène de Beauharnais.

Nevertheless, it was the Greek War of Independence that rendered the establishment of an autonomous Greek monarchy a viable proposition. As early as 1822, the Greek politician Theodoros Negris proposed to the National Assembly of Epidaurus that Jérôme Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon and former King of Westphalia, be appointed King of Greece. However, Executive Council president Alexandros Mavrokordatos advanced an opposing viewpoint, emphasizing that the Holy Alliance would never countenance the return of a Bonaparte to a European throne, and that electing the former king would inevitably provoke the ire of Napoleon's victors.

Shortly after opposing Negris' proposal, however, Mavrokordatos dispatched an emissary to Munich, Bavaria, to meet Napoleon's stepson, Prince Eugène de Beauharnais, and offer him the Greek crown. The project was ultimately unsuccessful due to Eugène's death of apoplexy in 1824.

Candidacy of the Duke of Nemours In the European courts, the notion of a new throne piqued the interest of some enterprising princes. In France, the Duke of Orléans (the future Louis Philippe I) sought to capitalize on the opportunity to crown his second son, the young Duke of Nemours.At the time, the Duke of Bordeaux, the sole heir of the senior branch of the Bourbons following the Count of Artois and the Duke of Angoulême, was only two years of age. Consequently, for the Orléans, the Duke of Chartres, the eldest son of the Duke of Orléans, was well positioned within the line of succession to the French throne. This is why his father did not propose him to the Greeks as a sovereign (). In February 1824, the Duke of Orléans sent a letter to Mavrokordatos and the Greek government through the intermediary of former Loiret deputy . In this missive, he warned the Greek government of the dangers that a republic would inevitably bring to Greece and attempted to persuade them of the benefits of a monarchy under a Capetian prince. Given that his son was only ten years of age, the Duke of Orléans put forth the proposal of raising the child in his adoptive country, within the Eastern Orthodox religion and the Greek language, while a regency would oversee the governance of the kingdom.

In a statement, the Duke of Orléans asserted that the arrival of the Duke of Nemours in Greece would be readily accepted by the major powers, contingent upon the provision of certain commercial advantages. The United Kingdom would be gratified by the establishment of a state that would counterbalance Russian influence in the Eastern Mediterranean. Furthermore, the presence of a prince with both French and Neapolitan ancestryThe Duchess of Orléans was the daughter of King Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies (). in Greece would encourage the arrival of new European volunteers to fight alongside the insurgents, while the Duke himself could provide the financial resources for the creation of several cavalry regiments.

In response to his correspondent's urgings, Mavrokordatos sought to implement the election of the young prince, to present Europe with a fait accompli. However, he refrained from acting hastily and instead requested guarantees from the Duke of Orléans regarding the French government's sentiments on the matter. Nevertheless, he conveyed the Duke of Orléans' proposal to the recently appointed president, Georgios Koundouriotis. The latter's entourage, particularly his brother Lazaros, was vehemently opposed to the notion of a descendant of the "Regicides" ascending the Greek throne.

Notwithstanding this, discussions between the Duke of Orléans' representatives and Greece continued. In 1825, the Viscount de Rumigny, aide-de-camp to the prince, reached out to Minister Ioannis Kolettis to garner his support for establishing a constitutional monarchyThe Duke of Orléans postulated the establishment of a Greek kingdom with a bicameral parliament, comprising an elected Chamber of Deputies and a Chamber of Peers, where the leaders of the insurrection would be seated. This configuration would result in the leaders being "burdened with honors, dignities, and wealth" (). in Greece and recommended General Henry Roche. Roche, representing the , arrived in the Greek capital, Nauplion, in late April. He was officially acting on behalf of the Duke of Orléans, though he was secretly serving the Duke of Nemours and promoting the latter's candidacy to the insurgents. However, Roche's lack of diplomatic tact led to his discrediting, and the secret was soon revealed. Meanwhile, several members of the Greek government (Kolettis, , and Konstantinos Mavromichalis) sent an emissary to French Prime Minister Joseph de Villèle to ascertain the French government's stance.

France was concerned that the actions of the Duke of Orléans and his representatives in Greece might provoke a reaction from the other major powers.His assertion was indeed accurate. On August 21, 1825, Commodore explicitly conveyed to the Greek provisional government that the British government would vehemently oppose any endeavor to facilitate the landing of a French prince. Furthermore, he made it clear that they would not hesitate to take decisive action against the Greek fleet should it attempt to assist (). Through Baron de Damas, the French government disavowed General Roche and made it clear that it did not support the election of a Capetian prince. Consequently, the address of a few Greek deputies to the Duke of Orléans in early 1826 had no tangible result.

Embassy of Nikolas Kefalas to the Catholic Powers