The Masada myth is the early Zionist retelling of the siege of Masada, and an Israeli national myth. The Masada myth depicts the Zealot defenders of Masada as national heroes in the First Jewish–Roman War, who killed themselves rather than surrendering to the Roman army. Josephus, the only written source for the event, had the Sicarii as the defenders of Masada using words to describe them that have been translated as "bandits", "terrorists" and "murderers", and recorded them killing their fellow Jews rather than fighting Romans. Josephus does describe a mass suicide, though many modern scholars doubt this account. Skeletons at the site were not all found in a single location as he described it. American Archaeologist Jodi Magness has written that archaeology cannot prove or disprove the account of Josephus because the human remains found can be interpreted differently.
The modern myth version first emerged and was promoted in Mandatory Palestine and later Israel. Despite the modern academic consensus, popular accounts by figures like Yigal Yadin and Moshe Pearlman have perpetuated the myth, influencing public perception.: "On the professional level, we now know that the Masada myth is a particular selective historically invented sequence (narrative) based, par-tially, on Josephus Flavius's account, minus some very important details and supplemented by items ranging from a rather liberal interpretation of his writings to sheer fabrication. The way in which this particular sequence was socially constructed can be understood in terms of leveling, sharpening, and assimilation. The Allport and Postman model that was used in this context was very helpful in conceptualizing the process. In this book, we analyzed the way in which the Masada mythical narrative was socially constructed by Jews in British-occupied Palestine and in the State of Israel. Hence, most of the emphasis was placed on social activities in this region and on texts in the Hebrew language. However, the non-Hebrew-speaking person, in Israel and abroad, has also been exposed to much of the same myth. Two of the more popular books in English - Yadin (1966) and Pearlman (1967) - present a magnificent example of the Masada mythical narrative. The debate in the more academic journals did not reach most interested parties, and the discussion in the popular Jewish press (e.g., in the Jewish Spectator) may have only helped to confuse the issue. The Masada mythical narrative was consciously invented, fabricated, and supported by key moral entrepreneurs and organizations in the Yishuv. At the time, central Jewish leaders (see, e.g., Guttman's interview) were very reluctant to use this rather questionable tale. Much of the success in its acceptance can be attributed to these key moral entrepreneurs" In the myth narrative, the defenders of Masada were depicted as national symbols of heroism, freedom, and national dignity. This narrative emphasized Josephus's account, highlighting the defenders' courage and resistance while omitting the details of their violence against Jews, as well as certain elements of their final mass suicide.: "The Sicari - or "knife-wielders" - adopted their name from their favorite means of political persuasion, and their reputation was anything but heroic in their own time. According to Josephus's testimony, they terrorized any Judeans who opposed the rebellion— using the tactics of assassination, arson, and theft. After killing the Roman garrison and taking control of the fortress at Masada at the outbreak of the revolt, they continued their violent ways. They did not come to the aid of their rebel colleagues in Jerusalem when the city was under siege by the Tenth Roman Legion but preferred to remain at their desert hideaway, maintaining themselves by preying on the surrounding populace. During the festival of Passover in A.D. 68, for example, they raided the nearby settlement of Ein Gedi, carrying off the inhabitants' crops and livestock. Their victims in this encounter were not the hated Romans, but - according to Josephus - more than 700 innocent Jewish men, women, and children." The early Zionist settlers wished to reconnect with ancient Jewish history, and thus used the Masada myth narrative to establish a sense of national heroism and to promote patriotism.: "How did the site of a reported mass suicide of a band of Jewish rebels who terrorized other Jews become a symbol of the modern State of Israel? The creation of the Masada myth—in which these Jewish terrorists are transformed into freedom fighters and the mass suicide becomes a heroic last stand-has been explored by a number of scholars. While archaeology has been used in many countries to advance political or nationalistic agendas, Masada perhaps best exemplifies this phenomenon. Although Masada's eventual fame is largely a result of Yadin's excavations, the site had become a symbol of the modern State of Israel long before the 1960s. It is the late Israeli archaeologist Shmaryahu Gutman who deserves much of the credit for the creation of the Masada myth. Beginning in the 1930s and through the next couple of decades, Gutman organized treks to Masada for youth movements and groups of guides which established the site as an emblem of Zionist aspirations. With the creation of Israel in 1948, Masada became a symbol of the new state. Gutman continued to make a case for Masada's importance through the 1950s and was involved in the first archaeological explorations of the site. It was because of Gutman's persistence that Yadin later undertook excavations at Masada. Nachman Ben-Yehuda, an Israeli sociologist, notes that the Masada myth is based on a whitewashing of Josephus's account. For example, instead of referring to sicarii, the Jews atop Masada are typically described as Zealots, as for example by Yadin, or as defenders or rebels-neutral terms that mask the group's violent activities. Their terrorism of other Jews, including the massacre of innocent villagers at Ein Gedi, is overlooked in the Masada myth. A constellation of interrelated events in the twentieth century made possible Masada's transformation into a symbol of Jewish heroism and the modern State of Israel. First, the European Jews who immigrated to Palestine in the first half of the twentieth century sought to establish a physical connection to the Zionist homeland. Treks like those organized by Gutman to Masada were intended to forge this bond…. ": "Thus, the meaning of Masada was first and foremost shaped by the urge to forge a sense of historical continuity between the modern-day Zionist National Revival and Antiquity, when Jews lived in their own homeland, and to heighten their divergence from Exile. The Masada episode, marking the end of the Jewish revolt against the Romans, was seen as the essence of the national spirit that made the Jews stand up and fight for their freedom. In the period in which the Zionist settlers and the first generation of New Hebrews wished to define themselves as the direct descendants of the ancient Hebrews, they portrayed the Masada people as the authentic carriers of the spirit of active heroism, love of freedom, and national dignity, which, according to the Zionist collective memory, disappeared during centuries of Exile. Masada was therefore presented as a positive model of behavior and an important patriotic lesson. To fulfill this role, the Masada commemorative narrative required a highly selective representation of Josephus's historical record. By emphasizing certain aspects of his account and ignoring others, the commemorative narrative reshaped the story and transformed its meaning. The new myth narrative highlights the defenders' courage in rebelling against the Romans in the first place and in sustaining their resistance long after the rest of Judaea had been defeated. It stresses their heroic spirit, devotion, and readiness to fight until the last drop of blood but does not dwell on the specifics of the final episode of death. In so doing, the myth narrative elaborates where Josephus is silent and silences some of his more elaborate descriptions: the ancient historian does not mention a direct confrontation between the besieged Masada people and the Roman soldiers, yet he does provide a long and detailed description of the collective suicide." In the aftermath of the Holocaust, and the reported role of a poem about Masada in inspiring the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising,Baskind, S. (2018). The Warsaw Ghetto in American Art and Culture. Penn State University Press. pp. 44–45. . This ancient story has since become a national symbol well known to Israelis and disseminated to tourists who find a trip to Masada at sunrise a compulsory part of a pilgrimage to the Israeli homeland. The struggle of the Jews on Masada has been embellished and wrapped in hyperbole, and they themselves have been deemed freedom fighters, resisters, and warriors who retained their freedom against all odds. In 1981, ABC made those mythologized events recognizable to the wider American population with the broadcast of a well-watched television miniseries starring Peter O'Toole that dramatized the story. Some historians even couple the thwarted capture of Masada with the Warsaw Ghetto uprising. Citing Zionist Isaac Lamdan's 1926 poem Masada, about this earlier Jewish conflict, David Roskies asserts that it, "more than any other text, later inspired the uprising in the Warsaw ghetto." No doubt Masada was influential, but Roskies's observation remains in the realm of speculation, considering the equally influential poetry of Hayim Bialik, whose prose more insistently calls for passionate resistance. the story's themes of resilience and isolation resonated with and circulated in Israeli public discourse, youth movements, and film media.
The widespread embrace of the Masada myth in Israel started waning in the late twentieth century. Israelis advocating for compromise in the Israeli–Palestinian peace process associated Masada's symbolism as an uncompromising last stand with right-wing nationalism, and the story became less prominent as a broad national symbol. The Masada myth's central role in Israeli collective memory has puzzled scholars due to its structural differences from other national myths: Josephus's account was not an origin myth, did not provide formative context, and was not heroic in nature. It has been described as "an extreme example of the construction of national memory", as it had no prior basis in Jewish collective memory.
Historic event