The Intra-Bosnian Muslim War () was a civil war fought between the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina loyal to central government of Alija Izetbegović in Sarajevo and the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia loyal to Fikret Abdić in Velika Kladuša from 1993 to 1995 in the region of the western Bosnia. The war ended with the victory of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the abolishment of Western Bosnia.
Background
The Cazinska Krajina region, located in the far north-western part of Bosanska Krajina, had a slightly higher GDP per capita than the average for the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Predominantly populated by Bosnian Muslims, the region encompasses the municipalities of Bihać, Cazin, and Velika Kladuša. To the north and west, it borders Croatia, while to the south and east, it is separated from the broader Muslim population by Serb- and Croat-majority areas.
Fikret Abdić founded the agricultural company Agrokomerc in Velika Kladuša, which, during the 1970s and 1980s, transformed Cazinska Krajina from an impoverished rural area into a prosperous regional economy. Agrokomerc became Yugoslavia’s largest food-processing conglomerate, employing approximately 13,000 people and operating numerous factories and retail outlets across the country. The company’s success significantly improved the standard of living in the region, and Abdić gained a strong personal following, earning the nickname "Babo" (English: Dad).
With the transition from a one-party system, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia lost power to nationalist parties. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbs aligned with the Serb Democratic Party (SDS), Croats with the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ), while Muslims consolidated around the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), led by Alija Izetbegović. Abdić, previously a member of the League of Communists, joined the SDA and became one of its leading figures.
In Cazinska Krajina, where the SDA was initially founded by Mirsad Veladžić and Irfan Ljubijankić, two members of the pan-Islamist movement, it only became a mass movement after Abdić announced his support for it in September 1990.
In the Bosnian general election held in November 1990, Abdić and Izetbegović were the SDA candidates for Muslim seats in the seven-member Presidency. Abdić won 1,040,307 votes, versus just 874,213 for Izetbegović. Both were elected as Muslim representatives in the seven-member presidency, alongside Ejup Ganić, who secured a seat as a representative of ethnic minorities. However, due to opposition from the party’s hardline faction, Abdić was sidelined, and Izetbegović assumed the leading role in the government.
Political Struggles and the start of the Bosnian War
In May 1992, Izetbegović was detained by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA) upon returning from an unsuccessful peace conference in Lisbon. Meanwhile, reports surfaced that Abdić had successfully travelled from Bihać to Sarajevo, crossing multiple frontlines without difficulty. This fuelled suspicions within the SDA leadership, particularly among Ganić and his faction, who feared Abdić was attempting to stage a coup with the backing of Belgrade and the JNA high command.
During a crisis meeting at the presidency building, Interior Minister Alija Delimustafić proposed appointing a new president more willing to negotiate with the JNA. This was firmly opposed by Ganić and the party’s hardliners, who viewed any form of compromise as betrayal. Although no direct evidence linked Abdić to a coup attempt, his political influence in Sarajevo was effectively curtailed.
In September 1992, Abdić returned to Bihać and assumed an advisory role in the District Assembly. His primary objective was to keep the Bihać Pocket out of the war, as the conflict escalated across Bosnia and Herzegovina.
On 27 April 1993, Krajina Serbs launched an attack near Bosanska Bojna, capturing a significant portion of land. While initially presented as a localised offensive by displaced Serbs, further investigation revealed it was a coordinated military operation involving Serb forces from both Bosnia and Krajina. The 5th Corps repelled the attack, confirming its strategic nature.
On 6 May 1993, United Nations Security Council Resolution 842 declared the Bihać pocket a "safe area". This pocket encompassed a vast territory with a predominantly Muslim population of approximately 250,000. It was geographically isolated, bordered by the self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina (RSK) in Croatia and Republika Srpska (RS), with a 118 km-long border with RSK. The elimination of this military stronghold was viewed as a crucial step toward unifying the two Serb-controlled territories.
After Bihać was designated a UN "safe area", Abdić determined that the United Nations lacked the means to enforce this status, leaving the region vulnerable. Given the 5th Corps' limited operational capacity, he concluded that negotiating with the Serbs was the most effective course of action. Abdić engaged in talks with Serb representatives, leading to UNPROFOR-proposed demilitarisation of the contested Bosanska Bojna area. The plan involved deploying French UN troops as a buffer, supported by UN civil police (UNCIVPOL) to maintain order. Resettlement efforts for displaced inhabitants were also proposed but deemed overly ambitious.
As the Washington Accord failed to gain traction in Sarajevo, Abdić grew increasingly concerned. He believed Izetbegović had rejected it solely because the Serbs had accepted it, exacerbating their tensions. This culminated in a heated debate at a Presidential Council meeting on 23 June 1993, where the idea of partitioning Bosnia and Herzegovina into three ethnic provinces was discussed. Abdić supported the proposal, arguing that partition was already a reality. However, Ganić vehemently opposed it, insisting that the war must continue. Izetbegović took a similarly intransigent stance, calling for a boycott of peace talks in Geneva if partition remained on the agenda. On 28 June, both Izetbegović and Ganić walked out, leaving Abdić and the remaining presidency members uncertain.
On 15 July 1993, the Erdut Agreement allowed the UN to take control of key infrastructure in Croatia, momentarily easing tensions. However, as ceasefire agreements were negotiated among Muslim, Croat, and Serb leaders, renewed violence, such as the shelling of the Maslenica Bridge, highlighted the fragile nature of peace efforts. By August, the talks collapsed entirely, and the blockade of Sarajevo by Serb forces resumed. The situation further deteriorated when Izetbegović refused further discussions with Mate Boban until humanitarian access to Muslim communities was guaranteed.
The Owen–Stoltenberg plan caused significant tensions within the Collegial Presidency, with representatives of the civic parties opposing the plan but reluctant to continue a war that was devastating Bosnian society. Izetbegović and Ganić favoured renegotiating the plan, while Abdić advocated for its immediate and unconditional acceptance. Over the summer, Abdić resigned from the Collegial Presidency to return to his stronghold in Cazinska Krajina, where he clashed with local SDA leaders. Similar to the Vance–Owen Plan, the Owen–Stoltenberg Plan also sparked internal conflict among Bosnian Muslims.
Amidst these broader struggles, a significant internal conflict emerged in the Bihać region. Abdić capitalised on dissatisfaction with Sarajevo's governance. On 7 September, a committee was formed in Velika Kladuša advocating for an Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia within a proposed Union of Republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina. While this initiative initially gathered substantial signatures, further assessment indicated that support was largely confined to those with ties to Abdić's Agrokomerc business network rather than the wider population.
Creation of Western Bosnia
On 27 September 1993, Abdić declared the Autonomous Province of Western Bosnia (APWB) in Velika Kladuša. The entity operated as a self-governing mini-state with its Prime Minister and Parliament. Abdić secured 50,000 signatures in favour of autonomy, along with 75% of local municipal council delegates. However, critics alleged that coercion by his police forces influenced the outcome. Despite these claims, he retained strong local support. Western Bosnia's supporters identified themselves as Muslims, unlike those aligned with the central government, who adopted the term Bosniaks during the war. Western Bosnians accused Sarajevo-backed Muslims of religious extremism, whereas they claimed to represent a multi-ethnic movement.
Abdić declared himself the commander of the 5th Corps of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and invited all its soldiers under his command. His influence expanded when the 521st Brigade and 527th Brigades of the 5th Corps from Velika Kladuša defected to his side.
The new entity, located in the northern part of the Bihać Pocket, aligned politically and economically with Croatia, Yugoslavia, and the Krajina Serbs. On 22 October, Abdić signed a peace agreement in Belgrade with Radovan Karadžić and Milošević, who claimed that the pact would bring "peace to half of Bosnia". Shortly thereafter, Abdić reached a similar agreement with Croatian President Franjo Tuđman, even as Bosnian Croats faced increasing military pressure from the Bosnian government forces. This effectively isolated the 5th Corps in the region. On 7 November 1993, he met with Vladimir Lukić and Jadranko Prlić, the prime ministers of Republika Srpska and the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia, respectively. During this meeting, the three leaders agreed on various political and economic initiatives, reinforcing Abdić's position as a significant factor in the regional conflict.
For the Serbs, neutralising the 5th Corps in Bihać was strategically significant. Simultaneously, Abdić aligned with Serb interests. At the time, Milošević entertained incorporating Western Bosnia into a hypothetical "future Yugoslavia". The Serbian State Security Service covertly provided military aid to Abdić's forces. By early 1994, Abdić's military consisted of six infantry brigades, comprising up to 10,000 men, as well as artillery units and tanks supplied by the Army of Republika Srpska.
Escalating tensions
Tensions escalated when Izetbegović ordered military rule in Bihać, prompting Abdić to call upon his supporters to resist what he perceived as a military dictatorship. His militia, supported by local police forces, took control of Cazin, forcing the 5th Corps to retreat to Bihać. Meanwhile, government troops deployed to suppress the uprising fired warning shots to disperse crowds but faced continued resistance. The situation worsened when soldiers encountered barricades in the village of Pjanići. A violent confrontation ensued as government troops stormed a local radio station, resulting in the death of a policeman. The civilian population was instructed to remain indoors.
Abdić justified his actions by stating that he sought to end his people's isolation and bring an end to the war, arguing that the local Muslim population was exhausted by prolonged conflict. However, Izetbegović condemned Abdić's actions as a betrayal, characterising them as a "stab in the back of our already wounded homeland". As a consequence, Abdić was dismissed from the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Conflict with the 5th Corps
The weekend of 2-3 October 1993 saw clashes between Abdić's followers and the 5th Corps. Shelling incidents were reported in areas such as Johovica near the Croatian border. The conflict extended to Velika Kladuša, Abdić's stronghold, exacerbating regional divisions. During the first week of the insurrection, it is estimated that up to a dozen people were killed before a general standoff ensued, as Muslim soldiers hesitated to fire on Muslim civilians.