In the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the term shahid (, ) is used by Palestinians to refer to any killed Palestinian civilian or fighter, regardless of their religious affiliation, and regardless of whether or not their killing was the result of a targeted attack. Initially, the concept of self-sacrifice for a cause was popular among the Palestinian fedayeen, who were actively engaged in a military struggle against Israel and the Israeli occupation, with the concept peaking in the 1960s. Gradually, the concept adopted an Islamic meaning and became more widespread after the First Intifada in 1987. Palestinian conceptions of martyrdom and participation in political violence are attributed to religious and nationalist ideologies, perceived collective victimhood, and prolonged conflict.Bar-Tal, Daniel. "Causes of the Eruption of the Gaza War and the Way it was Managed." Palestine - Israel Journal of Politics, Economics, and Culture 29.3 (2025): 177-87. ProQuest. 16 Sept. 2026.

Various Palestinian militant groups, including Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and other Islamist groups, have been influenced by and have helped disseminate the culture of martyrdom. They perceive martyrdom as the ultimate sacrifice for their cause and often cite it as a moral justification for engaging in what they called “martyrdom operations”, such as suicide attacks.Hatina, M. (2005). Theology and power in the Middle East: Palestinian martyrdom in a comparative perspective. Journal of Political Ideologies, 10(3), 241–267. doi:10.1080/13569310500244289Meir Litvak (2010) "Martyrdom is Life": Jihad and Martyrdom in the Ideology of Hamas, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33:8, 716–734, DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2010.494170 Prior to and throughout the Oslo Accords, the majority of the Palestinian public did not support Hamas and PIJ’s suicide operations, and Palestinians hoped that the Oslo Accords would result in agreements with Israel that would address the Palestinian call for political independence. After the derailment of the Oslo Accords, the failure of the peace process, and the beginning of the Second Intifada, popular interest in these martyrdom operations grew. During this period, martyrdom evolved beyond its religious connotations, becoming an ideal for the resistance identity of secular Palestinian nationalists.

Palestinian political parties and non-governmental organizations promote commemorative narratives; nationalistic factions have used it as a political tool to influence public opinion. Education, visual media, community events, ceremonies, leaflets, and posters throughout the Palestinian territories contribute to positive cultural conceptions of martyrdom, portraying killed Palestinians as part of the struggle against Israel's military occupation.

Historical and etymological background In Palestine, the term shahid for "martyr" is used to mean any person who was killed by an aggressor, whether targeted or untargeted, and regardless of religion. According to The New York Times, this reflects a prevalent view in the community that every Palestinian death is part of a resistance against Israeli occupation. Researchers Neil Whitehead and Nasser Abufarha state that the shahid concept of a victim who falls at the hands of an oppressor became a symbol of the First Intifada and was congruent with the political dynamics of the time when efforts were made to lobby international support for Palestinians’ pursuit for independence.

The term "Fida’i", meaning "the one who sacrifices self", has historically been used among Palestinians, particularly within militant contexts, to refer to individuals who are willing to sacrifice themselves for a cause or a larger purpose. The fida’i (or fida’yi) guerrilla fighter transformed into an icon of Palestinian resistance after the Battle of Karameh in 1968, where for the first time Palestinian fighters were perceived to be scoring a victory against the Israeli army. Throughout the 1970s, amaliyyat fida’iyya (operations of self-sacrifice) became a central strategy for Palestinian resistance groups. In the Gaza Strip, the fida’iyeen fought for liberation, not religion, and were never called mujahidin ("fighters of the jihad for God") due to politics and religion. All fida’iyeen (fedayeen) and all noncombatant victims are considered shuhada’ (martyrs).

Istishhadi, meaning "martyrous one", is a newer term developed by Islamist organization Hamas and is used specifically by Palestinians for those carrying out amaliyyat istishhadiyya (martyrdom operations). According to Palestinian anthropologist Nasser Abufarha, istishhadi did not previously exist in the Arabic dictionary. Hamas introduced martyrdom operations, generally known as suicide bombings in the West, as a form of political violence in the spring of 1994 when they carried out their first operations in the towns of Afula and Hadera.

Istishhadi is different from the concepts of shahid or fida'i in that istishhadi is the idea of proactively seeking martyrdom; an idea that is not traditionally Islamic. While the shahid concept hints at victimization, the proactive concept of istishhadi highlights heroism in the sacrificial act. While fida’i took on missions that would surely result in death, the istishhadiyeen take their own lives. Hamas coined the term istishhadi with the aim of attaching religion to self-sacrifice because Hamas believes Islam is "the most solid ideology through which to achieve the goals of the Palestinian national struggle." In addition, the act of the istishhadi is seen as a "blood covenant" through which the exchange of blood fuses human life with the land.

Contrary to 's work Shuhada’ al-Filastin (Palestinian Martyrs), Laleh Khalili argues that Palestinian identity has not always been about martyrdom and that national narratives are not static. The "roots" of martyrdom commemoration and narratives are neither Palestinian ‘‘cultural’’ characteristics, nor exclusively a result of Islamic or Islamist teachings. Palestinian narratives elevating martyrs have changed over time through adaptations to local, regional, and international conditions.

Evolution of use by militant groups The evolution of martyrdom, known as Istishhad, from its Islamic origins into a central tenet of Palestinian nationalist identity, embraced by both religious and secular factions, is closely linked to the rise and activities of Palestinian Islamist organizations like Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). Istishhad has been integral to Palestinian society and collective consciousness since the 1990s, with its ethos of self-sacrifice deeply embedded through indoctrination and suicide bombings carried out by Hamas, the PIJ, and other militant groups. Hatina writes that self-sacrifice has become a formative ethos of Palestinian Islam in the struggle against Israel. It has also become a moral justification for Palestinian suicide bombings.Daphne Burdman (2003) Education, indoctrination, and incitement: Palestinian children on their way to martyrdom, Terrorism and Political Violence, 15:1, 96-123, DOI: 10.1080/09546550312331292977

Hamas upholds martyrdom as the highest expression of jihad and Islamic belief. Hamas asserts that the use of suicide bombers has empowered the Palestinian people strategically, attributing it to "Palestinian innovative genius” (‘abqariyyat al-ibda‘ al-filastini). Hamas officials have rejected claims that suicide attacks harm the Palestinian cause, asserting that “martyrdom operations” reflect the triumph of the Muslim soul, faith, and spirituality over the Israeli or Western “technological mindset.”Meir Litvak (2010) “Martyrdom is Life”: Jihad and Martyrdom in the Ideology of Hamas, Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, 33:8, 716–734, DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2010.494170

In the 1990s The Jerusalem Media and Communication Centre's Weekly Report, ongoing since the start of the First Intifada (1987–1993), initially documented Palestinian fighter deaths simply as "deaths" or "Palestinian deaths". However, by August 1992, the reporting shifted to describing these fatalities as "martyr deaths" or "martyrs", signifying a significant change in narrative. This change provided Hamas with a platform to foster and reinforce the martyrdom culture intertwined with Islam through grassroots efforts. Thus, through Hamas' framing suicide attacks as honorable actions against the enemy, martyrdom played a significant role in shaping Palestinian acceptance of such campaigns.

During the Oslo Accords, the Islamist militant groups Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) had trouble gaining wide acceptance for their martyrdom operations due to Palestinians' hope that the Oslo Accords would result in agreements with Israel that would address the Palestinian call for political independence. To recruit volunteers during this time, Hamas and PIJ groomed members to accept death and made promises about the afterlife. However, after the collapse of the Oslo Accords and at the beginning of the Second Intifada, popular interest in martyr operations grew.

2000s to present During the Second Intifada (2000–2005), self-sacrifice became even more deeply rooted in Palestinian society. Nationalistic factions aligned with the Palestinian National Authority also embraced it as a political tool to influence public opinion. Perpetrators of suicide bombings were glorified as heroes. These actions of self-sacrifice were perceived as a method to reclaim lost dignity, both on a national and familial level. Families of the martyrs gained social standing and material support. During the second intifada, martyrdom evolved beyond its religious connotations, becoming an ideal for secular nationalists' resistance identity.

Palestinian officials have emphasized the role of sacrifice and martyrdom as a means of gaining international attention and achieving political goals. Hassan Al-Kashef, Director-General of the Palestinian Information Ministry, once stated that "The only way to impose our conditions is inevitably through our blood. Had it not been for this blood, the world would have never been interested in us ... the power of the Intifada is our only weapon".Stuart J. Kaufman (2009) Narratives and Symbols in Violent Mobilization: The Palestinian-Israeli Case, Security Studies, 18:3, 400–434, DOI: 10.1080/09636410903132938

Commemorative forms

In Palestine, both political groups and NGOs promote commemorative narratives using the following forms: history-telling, commemorative images, education, published and electronic media, honorific naming (of events, people and spaces), and ceremonial gatherings. Writers and poets have also transmitted these images and icons. Political institutions, members of the local and international Palestinian elite, Palestinian NGOs, and refugees use the narrative of commemoration to explain the past, present, and future. Laleh Kahlili states that "particular commemorative practices can be interpreted as engaging a nationalist audience in one setting, and as appealing to international human rights in another": the same narrative can hold different purposes depending on audience and member of society.

History-telling

Researchers have examined the depictions of fida’iyyin and martyrs in Palestinian poems, as well as the role of poetry as a method for transmitting memory. Mahmud Darwish’s poems transmit icons and images to a broader audience when sung by popular singers. Ghassan Kanafani’s literary fiction, as well as many other writers and poets, have likewise promulgated these icons. Revolutionary songs have also celebrated the fida’iyeen. Originally the Palestinian national anthem that had started with “Biladi, Biladi, Biladi (My country, my country, my country)” was modified to “Fida’i, Fida’i, Fida’i (sacrificer, sacrificer, sacrificer),” and this new version is the official anthem that is sung every morning in Palestinian schools and at official ceremonies.