The 1920–1921 Chicago rent strikes were a series of tenant mobilizations against rent increases and landlords following an acute housing crisis in the city. It was likely in part inspired by the tactics of the 1918–1920 New York City rent strikes.
The rent strikes were also characterized by a then ongoing open shop movement by employers to break up unions, with a focus on the building trades, utilizing the housing crisis to call for a decrease in their wages.
By its end the strikes in Chicago won tenants the right to a trial by jury, the right for judges to give tenants a six-month delay in rent increases and led to the institution of a minimum heat requirement for apartments during winter months. Many tenants also individually won decreases in rent with their landlords after going on rent strike and negotiating with their landlord.
Background
Prior to the 1920–21 Chicago rent strikes, Chicago was experiencing an acute cost of living crisis as a result of World War 1 manufacturing mobilization towards war industries. It caused supply shortages and a particularly acute housing crisis as the building industries redirected to war manufacturing. The city was also undergoing rapid industrialization as workers moved there for the war industries further limiting housing supply; From 1910 to 1920 Chicago's population grew by 20%.
From 1914 to 1919 the cost of housing in Chicago increased by 14%. While the general cost of living roughly doubled in that same period. However the most acute crisis would occur from 1919 to 1921. Where from December 1919 to December 1921, housing costs in Chicago increased 62%, while the general cost of living actually slightly decreased.
Among Chicago tenants several other housing issues precipitated organizing. Notably for middle class tenants, landlords' discrimination against those with children became a sticking point, with landlords becoming more stringent as the housing shortage gave them more leverage and power.
Another aspect of contention was heating. At the time a nationwide coal shortage was occurring due both to the after effects of WW1 mobilization toward wartime industry. A particular harsh winter from 1917 to 1918 also heavily affected tenants, with some landlords stopping their providing of coal and heat in the case of central heating.
While this crisis reduced, landlords not providing heat was still a problem in later years and thus became an important demand by Chicagoan tenants.
Middle class self-identity, the American plan, and labor
The rent strikes in Chicago were partially defined by a self identification as a 'middle class'. Particularly defined by the idea of white collar living, and a racialized identity, as white exclusive.
This framework was in part encouraged by the conservative 'citizens committees' set up around the country by the American 'open shop' plan by employers, placing the blame of the high cost of living, on organized labor, in order to break apart the power of organized labor in the country; There was a specific focus by employers on attacking the building trades within the US, given the historical strength labor had within the building crafts, of which the housing crisis provided the perfect opportunity to place blame on labor unions for high rents. Organized labor was framed as the enemy of the middle class, alongside profiteers; Pitting white collar and blue collar workers against each other.
1919
With tenants facing rapid rent increases. In July the City Council of Chicago passed resolutions that blamed the high rents on labor unions striking, grafting by craftsman, and lastly unscrupulous landlords. Citing the first two as the cause of the housing shortage and the primary cause.
1919 preceded the ramping up of one of the most militant, widespread and coordinated, union busting and open shop attacks by employers against labor unions, crafts & labor organizing from 1920 to 1921. A central focus of these attacks was primarily the building trades. This was because the building trades in most US cities maintained organized labor power long after workers elsewhere, such as the manufacturing industry had been defeated in their attempt to unionize. Chicago was no exception, even as late as 1929, the plurality of unionist's in Chicago were in the building trades, making up 33% of organized labor in the city.
The resolution also called for the Committee on the Judiciary to investigate the high rents and find a legal way to keep rents from being raised by more than 10%. Five days later, they concluded that they could raise the property taxes proportionally with the rent increase, which would only make landlords pay a higher percentage on the new profits. But the committee claimed nothing else could be done.
Similarly, the Chicago Real Estate Board placed the blame of high rents on the building trades.
Prior to the start of rent strikes, the Chicago Tenants Protective Association (CPTA) would be formed on August 14, 1919 This would the first step in tenant organizing by Chicagoan tenants that would later precipitate into a much larger tenants league. The CPTA was formed in response to rapid rent increases, increasing up to 600% for some, by roughly 400 tenants.
Strikes
1920 Tenants of the Flat Iron Building at 553 West Madison Street go on strike against a rent increase on February 12, 1920. Where the increase in rent went as high as 300% for some.
Chicago Real Estate Board promoted private arbitration with them. An allusion is made to the successful tenants strike in New York.
While some historians argue that the tenant activism of the time was middle class in nature, Maia Silber argues that middle class tenants simply represented one slice of a much broader diverse tenant coalition.
On the night of February 27, 40 tenants at 4706–4732 North Racine Avenue apartments met, hired an attorney, former Judge Robert Turney, and decided to rent strike in response to a proposed doubling of rent. Refusing to move on May 1.
Landlords also met the same night, at a public meeting advising each other. The broad sentiment was unsympathetic towards the tenants complaints. At one point during the president of the Lake View Property Owners and Improvement Association George W. Torpe shouted "we should get as much as we can." to other landlords. While others encouraged each other to "shove it to the tenants".
The next day another meeting was held which expanded the amount of tenants planning to participate in the rent strike, to 84, of the two the Dorchester-Winchester apartment buildings on Racine Avenue. An offer was given by the tenants to not rent strike if an increase of 33.31% was accepted by the landlords. Of the situation one tenant stated:
During that meeting, more than 100 tenants, from Lake View to Rogers Park, unexpectedly joined the meeting calling for the organization -which was initially formed to battle the Baird & Warner real estate firm attempts to raise rent 86%–100%- be made citywide instead. Reportedly the response by Dorchester-Winchester tenants were mixed on whether to allow them into the group, with one tenant stating, "It's a wonderful idea... However, we must remember that we have to win our own little local fight first."
At this meeting the elected offices of the Racine-Avenue tenants union collected a 'war fund' of several hundreds ($100 ) of dollars, and had their attorney Robert Turney to present a petition to the Dorchester-Winchester building agents for a fair rents. Walter J. Minnemeyer was elected as the tenant unions permanent chairmen, Miss Mary Carlock the secretary and A. E. Jessurun treasurer.
On March 4, it was reported that the tenants of the buildings planned to take the fight to the court and legislature. H. S. Standish one of the leading tenants stated that if they could mobilize 20,000 to 50,000 tenants behind them, they would be able to push for any legislation necessary.
On the afternoon of March 7, plans were made for the formation of a citywide tenant organization by the North Racine Avenue apartment tenants. Their grievances over the rent increases had also reached the city council. The tenants organization would have a group for each of their neighborhoods. There then would be a central committee composed of a president, vice president, secretary, and a representative from each of the neighborhood tenant blocks. At the meeting signs were also handed out to the tenants planning to strike to use.
The first settlement for a tenant was reached in court on the afternoon March 8. The tenant agreed to pay the 2 months rent they had been holding, after the necessary repairs had been made on the house and the landlord agreeing to give her a 2-year lease.
The Rogers Park Tenant Protective Association held a meeting the night of March 8, and said that if the Racine Avenue tenants associations is unable to form a citywide tenant organization, they will. That night, C.E Dowd a veteran of World War I and tenant, spoke at the meeting where around 1,200 tenants of Roger Park attended, 1,000 of which joined the association and another 100 told to mail their applications, after they ran out of application blanks. During his speech, Dowd stated "I helped whip the greatest landlords – the former Kaiser – and I call upon you to help me whip the landlords of Chicago." Another tenant, William F. Forkhill, said to cheers, "profiteers are making anarchist of men who are honest at heart." Alderman Mulcahy, chairmen of the city council's rent committee, pledged the aid of his colleagues in the tenants movement at the meeting. It was also announced that a meeting of every neighborhood group in the city would be held in a few days, to combine into a citywide tenants association.
The next week the Chicago Tenants' Protective League (CTPL) was formed. On March 18, A. E. Jessurun, Treasurer of the league addressed a pig in front of an audience of 500 white collar tenants, asking the pig for forgiveness:
The crowd responded with a long applause, after which the pig grunted.
On March 23, a meeting was held between the Cook County real estate board committee and representatives of the tenants' associations. The estate board blamed the rising rent on building costs, and proposed building homes around a portable houses to lower costs. The Chicago Real Estate Board similarly claimed the building shortage and the trades high labor cost as at fault for the high rents, accusing labor of grafting. Later fears around a tenants blacklist by landlords were raised by the now formed CTPL.
Historian Andrew Wender Cohen, argues when discussing the rise of racketeering charges in Chicago during this period, that it was created as a rhetorical strategy by businesses in an attempt to suppress organized craftsmen.
On April 5, Milton Plotke, an owner of an option on the Dorchester-Winchester apartments agreed to arbitrate with the tenants.
Strike On May 1, thousands of families of the Chicago Tenants Protective Association went on rent strike. H. J. Standish president of league estimated 10,000 tenants would be striking, defying Chicago's May 1 moving day.
Reportedly, many last minute agreements occurred between tenants and landlords before the strikes, with several thousand tenants moving. While others refused to vacate or being unable to find moving vans, remained in their apartments. Several days before the strike, evicting tenants had been temporarily barred by Dennis Eagan bailiff of the Municipal Courts, due to the high rent crisis. One van company was also reportedly found guilty of charging rates higher than those fixed by the city ordinances.
During that month, more than 2,000 eviction cases were filed by landlords in total.