The Hungarian conservative party Fidesz has been accused of exhibiting anti-democratic and authoritarian tendencies since their return to leading the Hungarian government in 2010 under the leadership of Viktor Orbán in his second premiership, which governed Hungary until Fidesz's defeat in the 2026 Hungarian parliamentary election. The Fidesz-led government was accused of severely restricting media freedom, undermining the independence of the courts, subjugating and politicising independent and non-governmental institutions, surveilling political opponents, engaging in electoral engineering, and assailing critical NGOs. The Fidesz-led government was accused of engaging in cronyism and corruption. Fidesz has been accused of antisemitism, and the Fidesz-led government was accused of passing legislation that violates the rights of LGBT persons. Due to its controversial actions, Fidesz and its government have come in conflict with the EU on multiple occasions.
Authoritarian and anti-democratic actions
The Fidesz government has been accused of "[chipping] away at the country's democratic framework, reducing judicial independence, taking control of most state and private media and reshaping the electoral system to favor ... Fidesz." It has also been accused of providing a "blueprint for the erosion of democratic institutions" in countries like Poland, and an inspiration for far-right politicians in Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Brazil, while leaving analysts struggling to determine whether Hungary is still a democracy. Bertelsmann Stiftung, a German research organisation, has assessed that Hungary under a Fidesz-dominated government is approaching autocracy. Fidesz's governance has been described by some as reminiscent of Communist-led Hungary of the Kádár-era. Members of Fidesz have argued that the party is simply pursuing an alternative model of democracy, different from the common example of liberal democracy.
Press freedom
The Fidesz government has been accused of "silencing media", and of controlling all major media outlets in Hungary, thus creating an echo chamber that has excluded alternative political voices. The government has been accused of selectively starving non-loyal media organisations of government advertising revenues (the government is the country's second largest advertiser) while pressuring owners of media companies by targeting their other business interests so that they would either fall in line or sell their media holdings. Over 500 Hungarian news outlets were said to be supportive of the government in their coverage as of 2018, up from only 31 in 2015. By 2017, 90% of all Hungarian media was owned by either the state or by Fidesz allies, according to one Hungarian scholar. All regional newspapers are said to be controlled by pro-Fidesz owners.
Orbán attributed Fidesz's 2002 electoral loss to the country's "liberal media", initiating a campaign to recruit loyalists who would buy up media outlets and create a more friendly media environment while engaging operatives to coordinate and administer the media under the government's sway. Media organisations owned by Fidesz-friendly oligarchs are said to coordinate daily press coverage, following "preset news themes".
Legislation regarding media regulator appointments and coverage rules for journalists Shortly after taking power in 2010, Orbán passed laws enabling him to appoint candidates to lead the country's main media regulators while expanding the powers of the same regulators to fine and punish media organisations. The law would also impose hefty fines for coverage it finds "unbalanced or offensive to human dignity or common morals". The law was strongly condemned by the European community. Journalists working for public media organisations are furthermore required by law to "promote a national identity" in their reporting.
State media State media is said to be "entirely loyal to" Orbán and his government. Soon after taking office, the Fidesz government dispatched new managers to the offices of the Hungarian public radio that were later described as "propagandists" by one employee (a popular radio host). A third of the staff at public broadcasters was also purged. Journalists at the public broadcasters were directed to report on political issues so as to be favourable to the government and its message, faced political interference while reporting on certain topics (e.g. LGBT issues, climate change, and migration), needed to obtain permission from superiors before beginning to write or publishing reports on certain "sensitive" topics that were listed on an internal "watch list", and were prohibited from reporting certain topics. State media has been accused of refusing to cover anti-government protests.
Klubrádió The independent opposition-aligned radio station Klubrádió was gradually stripped of radio frequencies until it was only able to broadcast from Budapest, and was to be taken off air by Hungary's media council in 2011. After a campaign by listeners, Klubrádió was awarded a long-term frequency in March 2013. In February 2021, Klubrádió was finally stripped of its license by the media council (which is staffed by government supporters) after failing to file required paperwork in time. Other broadcasters had committed similar mistakes without suffering such a fate. Its appeal to restore its frequency was rejected by the media council in March 2021, saying the filing contained errors and did not meet legal requirements. The European Commission said it was considering legal action against Hungary for its failure to renew the radio station's license.
Népszabadság The largest-circulation daily newspaper, Népszabadság, was shut down shortly after publishing a story about a profligate luxury helicopter trip of close Fidesz ally and media operative Antal Rogán and his family. In 2018, immediately following a landslide Fidesz electoral victory, Magyar Nemzet, one of the two national daily newspapers opposed to the government (which had been in print for 80 years) and its sister radio station (both owned by Lajos Simicska, a businessman who entered into confrontation with Orbán in 2015 after a longstanding alliance between the two) announced their intention to cease operations due in part to a government advertising boycott. Hír TV, another media holding of Simicska's media empire, was converted into a pro-government outlet.
Origo The transformation of Origo, Hungary's leading news website, from an opposition publication to a government-friendly one has been regarded as an exemplary "cautionary tale" for the stifling of press independence. The site was established in the late 1990s by Magyar Telekom and gradually evolved its investigative journalistic brand. In 2013, Origo was Hungary's most-read news website known for its investigative journalism. Magyar Telekom was acquired by the German Deutsche Telekom (DT) in 2005. In 2010, DT encountered a hostile business environment fostered by the new Fidesz government which adopted punitive measures against foreign owners of domestic companies. During DT's negotiations with the Hungarian government over telecommunications policy, a senior Fidesz official (János Lázár) suggested a covert line of communication between the government and Origo editors because "Origo's journalists had historically struggled to grasp the government's perspective on certain matters". Origo signed a contract with a media consultancy firm run by Attila Várhegyi, a former senior Fidesz member, after which the telecommunications deal was finalized on terms favourable to DT. This resulted in a revolt of Origo employees and editors. During the first half of 2014, political interference in journalists' work and editorial policy began to become noticeable, according to one former employee. After one Origo journalist launched an investigation of Lázár's foreign travel expenses despite Várhegyi's firm's requests to slow the investigation, Lázár complained to Magyar Telekom executives in 2014. Origo, headed by a combative editor-in-chief (Gergő Sáling) protecting a tenacious investigative reporter, persisted in scrutinising Lázár's record and eventually launched court proceedings to obtain documents regarding Lázár while also publishing several pieces unfavourable to Lázár. After Orbán re-election and months of pressure, Magyar Telekom gave in and fired the editor shielding the investigations. Several journalists resigned in protest. Regarding it as a political liability, Magyar Telekom decided to sell Origo. In an open sale process, businesspeople close to the ruling party purchased the news outlet. By 2018, Origo's coverage took a steadfastly pro-government stance.
Central European Press and Media Foundation In late 2018, over 400 news media outlets – most of the private media in the country – were consolidated into a central holding company, the Central European Press and Media Foundation, administered by people close to the government. The media organisations were transferred to the foundation by over a dozen pro-government business "moguls" and were already highly supportive of the government. The move was thus largely symbolic, but nonetheless unprecedented within the EU. One of the foundation's board members announced the foundation has an "undeniably" right-wing agenda and that one of its goals is to prevent "opposition-minded media outlets" from regaining "the prominent market position that they held before Mr. Orban's election". Viktor Orbán argued that in Hungary still the "leftist, liberal media outlets are in majority", and the newly created foundation is a national interest because it is non-profit.
Prevention coverage of the treatment of migrants Journalist require government permits to report from near the national border. The government has been accused of blocking journalists' access to refugee camps and immigrant transit centres, restricting refugee-related coverage, and government forces have been accused of forcing journalists to delete footage, physically attacking journalists, and damaging journalists' equipment.
Attacks on government critics by pro-government media Pro-government media has been known to attack and deride opposition politicians and other critics, including a high school student who used obscene language to criticize and lampoon the government and Fidesz politicians during a protest.
Surveilling journalists According to the findings (released in July 2021) of a collaborative journalistic investigation, multiple journalists as well as businesspeople with media holdings (and possibly others) appear to have been spied on by the Hungarian government with Pegasus spyware. Hungarian diplomats posted in European countries regularly gather information about the foreign travel of Hungarian journalists (including from government officials of host countries) and relay the gathered information to the Hungarian government via diplomatic cables. Some embassies have also compiled information about links of Hungarian journalists with media organisations in the diplomats' host countries. A senior Foreign Ministry official justified the monitoring by asserting the government is merely tracking left-wing journalists who had been attending courses held by Soros funded organisations abroad.
Slovenia-Hungary diplomatic row over press freedom