Fascism in Bulgaria

The extent of fascism in Bulgaria is contentious. Many authors state that it never became a mass movement, remaining marginal there,Constantin Iordachi, Fascism in Southeast Europe: A Comparison between Romania's Legion of the Archangel Michael and Croatia's Ustaša, p. 461, in In: Entangled Histories of the Balkans - Volume Two, Pages: 355–468; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004261914_006.Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, (2006). World Fascism: A–K, Volume 1 of World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, Markus Hattstein - Bulgaria, pp. 107–108. .Despite significant political and economic crises, indigenous fascism remained split into a number of small movements that failed to become prominent political force in the country. The paper argues that Bulgarian fascist movements faced problems differentiating their goals and ideologies from other elements of the far right, highlighting the porous boundaries between the two movements. For more see: Frusetta, J. (2010). Fascism to Complete the National Project? Bulgarian Fascists' Uncertain Views on the Palingenesis of the Nation, East Central Europe, 37 (2–3), pp. 280–302. and proved considerably less successful than in the neighboring Balkan states.David D. Roberts (2016). Fascist Interactions: Proposals for a New Approach to Fascism and Its Era, 1919–1945. Berghahn Books, p. 252, . Bulgaria's fascists were not only weak, divided and lacking clear ideology, but their worldview differed significantly from that of both Italian Fascism and German Nazism.James Frusetta, Anca Glont, Interwar fascism and the post-1989 radical right: Ideology, opportunism and historical legacy in Bulgaria and Romania, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Volume 42, Issue 4, 2009, Pages 551-571, ISSN 0967-067X, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.001. Thus a consensus has been reached between Bulgarian and international experts that Bulgaria's agrarian society and its monarchic system were the barriers before the fascist practices and establishment of fascist regime in the country, while Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism.In the late 1980s per Bulgarian Marxist historiography if 1920s were increasingly viewed as form a fascist political base, the mid-1930s would still be associated with fascism and its manifestation in Bulgaria. While this categorization was not accepted by Western historians, it was only after the political changes in 1989 that the label "fascism" was openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars and instead, the term "authoritarian regimes" was adopted to denote the country's increasing political centralization in the mid-1920s and, especially, from the mid-1930s. Currently, a consensus has been reached between Bulgarian and international experts who have recognized that Bulgaria's agrarian social structure as well as her monarchic rule were the major barriers towards the infiltration of fascist practices and establishment of fascism in the country...Despite the military coup of 19 May 1934, it is acknowledged that Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism in its leading (governmental) sector up to the very eve of the communist takeover (1944). For more see: Svetla Baloutzova (2011). Demography and Nation: Social Legislation and Population Policy in Bulgaria, Central European University Press, p. 97, .The Western authorities on fascism categorically deny that a fascist regime ever existed in Bulgaria. For more see: Roumen Daskalov (2011) Debating the Past: Modern Bulgarian History: from Stambolov to Zhivkov, Central European University Press, p. 170, .In my opinion, Bulgaria cannot be defined as a classic fascist country, as can be said about then fascist Italy or Nazi Germany. We may treat Bulgaria as a pro-Nazi, pro-fascist country, but Bulgaria is not a fascist country at that time, says the Macedonian co-chairman of the joint Macedono-Bulgarian commission for historical and educational issues Dragi Gjorgiev. For more see: Фросина Димеска, интервjу со Драги Ѓоргиев - Имало бугарска окупација или инвазија, но не фашистичка. Радио Слободна Европа / Радио Слобода. 06.02.2022. An alternative opinion is that some Bulgarian organizations with considerable membership, activity, and social presence had fully developed fascist ideology by the late 1930s, but they neither came to power, nor participated in the government of the country. In fact, fascist organizations did not take power within the framework of the royal dictatorships, but discourses close to fascism can be found in then Bulgarian governing elite.Stefan Rohdewald, Mobilization and Sacralization of the Nation through Religious Remembrance (1918–1944). In: Sacralizing the Nation through Remembrance of Medieval Religious Figures in Serbia, Bulgaria and Macedonia. pp. 487–841; DOI: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004516311_005

Although the Bulgarian Marxist historiography labelled the period 1935–1944, as "monarcho-fascism", the 1990s saw the end of the dispute with the Marxist ideological dogmas, and in 1993 came the end of the theory that Bulgarian fascism is an unquestionable fact.Elenkov, Ivan & Koleva, Daniela. (2012). Historiography in Bulgaria After the Fall of Communism: Did "The Change" Happen?. HISTOREIN. 4. 10.12681/historein.87. Since then the label "fascism" has been openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars, but this led partially, to an untrue radical belief that fascism never existed in Bulgaria."History must be known, because if we don't know it - we won't know the future either. Now it's becoming especially relevant, because historical knowledge has recently turned out to be extremely important. And the categorical opinion of historical science is that there was no fascist regime in Bulgaria" said the historian Prof. Nikolay Ovcharov. For more see: Проф. Овчаров: Трябва да използваме внимателно термина фашизъм. Факти.бг, 02.02.2022. Regardless of the debates about whether or not there was fascism in Bulgaria, no historian denies the existence of political movements and organizations with ideologies sympathetic to Nazism and fascism.Божин Трайков, От антикомунизъм към фашизъм. BODIL.bg, 16.01.2019. What the local fascists were lacking, was enough totalitarian drive, as well as the figure of a führer, without whom they could not contest the authoritarian regime of Tsar Boris. Boris anyway succeeded to preserve the bourgeois social order,Werner, Menski, '7 Transcending Modernity: the Postmodern Reconstruction of Hindu Law', Hindu Law: Beyond Tradition and Modernity (Delhi, 2009; online edn, Oxford Academic, 18 Oct. 2012), https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195699210.003.0007, accessed 19 Aug. 2022. but feared the use of these organizations by Germany, and tried to exert a strong control on them.Поппетров, Николай. Фашизмът в България. Развитие и прояви. "Кама", 2008. стр. 97-98, .

History Development

The Bulgarian Marxist historiography labelled the period 1935–1944, as monarcho-fascism and demonized the then rightist movements, due to the authoritarian regime Boris III introduced in 1935, and Bulgaria's accession to the Axis powers during WWII.Wien, M. (2008). The Bulgarian monarchy: A politically motivated revision of a historical image in a post-socialist transitional society. In D. Brett, C. Jarvis & I. Marin (Eds.), Four empires and an enlargement: States, societies and individuals: Transfiguring perspectives and images of Central and Eastern Europe (pp. 79–86). The personal regime of the Tsar was a mixture of authoritarian, conservative and fascist ideas.Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson as ed. (2006) World Fascism: A-K, Volume I, A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, p. 108, . While in the West it was considered a "royal dictatorship," in marxist history it is described as "monarcho-fascism". In fact fascists in interwar Bulgaria were split into several small movements as the National Social Movement, the Union of Bulgarian National Legions and the Ratniks. They were unable to become prominent political forces in the country.Frusetta, J. Interwar fascism and the post-1989 radical right: Ideology, opportunism and historical legacy in Bulgaria and Romania, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Volume 42, Issue 4, 2009, pp. 551–571, ISSN 0967-067X. Bulgarian fascist movements faced problems differentiating their goals from other elements of the far right political authoritarian movements. The temporal power of conservative authoritarian rivals who were in control of the government from 1934 to 1944, contributed to the weakness of these fascist groups.Frusetta, J. (2010). Fascism to Complete the National Project? Bulgarian Fascists' Uncertain Views on the Palingenesis of the Nation, East Central Europe, 37 (2–3), pp. 280–302. The National Social Movement (NSM) founded by Aleksandar Tsankov as a genuinely fascist group was taking inspiration from the NSDAP and rose by the early to mid 1930s. The second fascist movement, the Union of Bulgarian National Legions, was started by general Hristo Lukov and later became an ally of the NSM, though being more ideologically radical. The third fascist movement, the Union of the Ratniks, was founded by Professor Asen Kantardzhiev. It was also closer to the German Nazis than to Italian fascism.

Fascism became influential in Bulgaria during the 1930s, when parliamentary democracy has failed.Raymond Detrez, Historical Dictionary of Bulgaria (2014). Historical Dictionaries of Europe, Rowman & Littlefield, p. 197, . In May 1934 Bulgarian coup d'état was carried out by the Zveno military organization, aided by the Bulgarian Army, which abolished political parties altogether. As result the small Bulgarian National Socialist Workers Party disappeared. However, in April 1935, the officers were replaced by Tsar Boris. Since then, the Tsar decided to take power into his own hands, while elections were held in 1939 on a nonpartisan basis. That was some kind of "royal dictatorship" similar to the one implemented by Alexander I of Yugoslavia between 1929 and 1931. In 1940, upon Bulgaria getting into the new war on the Axis side, the regime was institutionalized by creating a fascist-type mass youth movement called Brannik. Despite that organisation became numerically large, Bulgaria hadn't developed a corporate economic system essential to fascism nor any adult counterparts like trade unions or militias were created. Anti-Jewish propaganda gradually intensified in Bulgaria which led to the introduction of antisemitic law. Boris III feared the use of these organizations as a means of pressure from Germany and sought to limit their contacts with German officials.Поппетров, Николай. (2008) Фашизмът в България. Развитие и прояви. "Кама", pp. 97–98, . Boris died in 1943 and was replaced by a regent council, while it was itself overthrown the next year, making the country now on side with the Allies.Cyprian Blamires, (2006). World Fascism: A–K, Volume 1 of World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, pp. 107–108. . In September 1944, the Zveno and the anti-Axis Fatherland Front engineered a new coup d'état. Curiously, while the fascist influence on the Zveno itself is undisputed, the ideology of that organization in its character was not fascist.Исторически преглед 65 (2009) 1-2, 112. ISSN 0323-9748. Valentina Zadgorska. The circle "Zveno" and its ideology. (Summary). Thus, fascism proved considerably less successful in Bulgaria than in WWII Romania, Hungary, Croatia or Serbia.David D. Roberts (2016). Fascist Interactions: Proposals for a New Approach to Fascism and Its Era, 1919–1945. Berghahn Books, p. 252, .

Extreme interpretations in Bulgaria