Carlo-francoism (, also carlo-franquismo) was a branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the regime of Francisco Franco. Though mainstream Carlism retained an independent stand, many Carlist militants on their own assumed various roles in the Francoist system, e.g. as members of the FET y de las JONS executive, Cortes procuradores, or civil governors. The Traditionalist political faction of the Francoist regime issued from Carlism particularly held tight control over the Ministry of Justice. They have never formed an organized structure, their dynastical allegiances remained heterogeneous and their specific political objectives might have differed. Within the Francoist power strata, the carlo-francoists remained a minority faction that controlled some 5% of key posts; they failed to shape the regime and at best served as counter-balance to other groupings competing for power.
In Spanish the term appears in scientific narrative,see e.g. Virginia López de Maturana, Política y poder local: el ayuntamiento vitoriano durante el franquismo, [in:] Antonio Rivera (ed.), Dictadura y desarrollismo. El franquismo en Álava, Vitoria-Gasteiz 2009, , p. 162 though it is mostly used as a derogatory designation intended to stigmatize and abuse;see e.g. discussion under Antílope con Salsa de Soja, [in:] NickJournalArcadiano service 17.10.08, available here. Some highly partisan groups like Ateneo Basilio Lacort systematically use the term as stigmatization, referred after Manuel Fernández de Sevilla, No somos nada…, pero nos imputan todo, [in:] PartidoCarlista service 2017, available here the related name of carlofranquistas has filtered out from Spanish historiographysee e.g. Gil Pecharromán 2019, p. 212 and public discoursesee e.g. exchange of posts in a thread Sobre el carlista Jose Maria Sentis Simeon, [in:] ForoDeDebate service, May 2016, available here. For historical use, see e.g. Pajaritos, [in:] Tierra Vasca 167 (1970), available here into the English academic language.see e.g. Jeremy MacClancy, The Decline of Carlism, Reno 2000, , pp. 76, 92, 292 Alternative terms used are "carlistas oficialistas",Antonio Rivera (ed.), Dictadura y desarrolismo. El Franquismo en Alava, Vitoria 2009, ISBN 9788496845305, p. 148 "carlistas colaboracionistas",Manuel Santa Cruz Alberto Ruiz de Galarreta, Apuntes y documentos para la Historia del Tradicionalismo Español, vol. 3, Madrid 1979, p. 19; Mercedes Vázquez de Prada, El final de una ilusión. Auge y declive del tradicionalismo carlista (1957-1967), Madrid 2016, , p. 18 (“carlistas colaboracionaistas”); Manuel Martorell Pérez, La continuidad ideológica del carlismo tras la Guerra Civil [PhD thesis in Historia Contemporánea, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia], Valencia 2009, pp. 11, 43 (“carlismo colaboracionista”); Ramón María Rodón Guinjoan, Invierno, primavera y otoño del carlismo (1939-1976) [PhD thesis Universitat Abat Oliba CEU], Barcelona 2015, p. 144 (“colaboracionistas” vs “anticolaboracionistas”). As a linguistic copy the term is accepted also in some foreign languages, see „collaborationists” in English, Martin Blinkhorn, Carlism and Crisis in Spain 1931-1939, Cambridge 2008, , p. 294, or “kolaboracjoniści” in Polish, Jacek Bartyzel, “Don Carlos Marx”. Studium przypadku rewolucyjnej transgresji tradycjonalizmu w socjalizm w hiszpańskim karlizmie, [in:] Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia V/4 (2010), p. 68 "carlistas unificados",Joan Maria Thomàs, La Falange de Franco: fascismo y fascistización en el régimen franquista, 1937-1945, Madrid 2001, , p. 328, also used systematically in his other works, like Joan Maria Thomàs, Franquistas contra franquistas: Luchas por el poder en la cúpula del régimen de Franco, Madrid 2016, , or Joan Maria Thomàs, José Antonio: Realidad y mito, Madrid 2017, "carlismo franquista",Fermín Pérez-Nievas Borderas, Contra viento y marea. Historia de la evolución ideológica del carlismo a través de dos siglos de lucha, Pamplona 1999, , p. 205 "tradicionalistas pro-franquistas",José Carlos Clemente, El Carlismo en la España de Franco: Bases Documentales 1936-1977, Madrid 1994, , p. 423 "pseudotradicionalistas franquistas",Rodón Guinjoan 2015, p. 570 "carlo-falangistas",Josep Carles Clemente, Franco: Anatomía de un genocida, Madrid 2014, , p. 234, Tomás Urzainqui Mina, Llamamiento por una Navarra democrática, [in:] TomasUrzainqui service 03.02.10, available here; another spelling is „carlofalangistas”, see e.g. Fernando Mikelarena Peña, Respuesta a Jesús María Aragón Samanes, [in:] Noticias de Navarra 11.04.2014, available here; the term is also used across the blog of Fernando Mikelarena Peña, see ElBlogDeFernandoMikelarena service, available here; the term is usually intended as insult. A related term is “carlo-falangismo”, see e.g. Oriol Malló, Alfons Martí, En Tierra de Fariseos: Viaje a Las Fuentes Del Catalanismo Católico, Barcelona 2000, , p. 42 "carlo-fascistas",for usage among vehement Carlist foes see e.g. Clemente Bernad, Víctor Moreno, José Ramón Urtasun, Carlos Martínez, Fernando Mikelarena, Carolina Martínez, Ángel Zoco, Txema Aranaz, La consagración de la desmemoria, [in:] NuevaTribuna service 03.03.19, available here; however, also the Javierista Carlists resolved to "carlofascismo" insult, see Observaciones de un viejo carlista sobre las pretensiones de un Principe al trono de Espana, a 1948 pamphlet by Melchor Ferrer "tradicionalistas del Movimiento",Daniel Jesús García Riol, La resistencia tradicionalista a la renovación ideológica del carlismo (1965-1973) [PhD thesis UNED], Madrid 2015, p. 350 "tacitistas"see e.g. discussion at Jose Maria Sentis Simeon, [in:] ForoDeDebate service, May 2016, available here or "carloenchufistas","enchufismo" usually stands for cronyism or favoritism; the term suggests that the individuals in question blended some Carlist sympathy with much stronger pursuit of personal gain, Ferrer 1948 usually highly abusive and disparaging. There is no obvious corresponding but non-partisan term available.
Background
Carlism, the movement born in the 1830s, during the following 100 years became known for rigid, die-hard, adamant stand – by supporters hailed as virtuous principled consistency and by opponents ridiculed as backwater fanaticism – rather than for political compromise and give-and-take alliances."ningún movimiento político de la España contemporánea ha mostrado, como el tradicionalismo carlista, una predisposición tan franca y tan persistente a la violencia, hasta hacerla formar parte indisociable de su praxis política, de su identidad colectiva y de su acervo cultural", Eduardo González Calleja, Aproximación a las subculturas violentas de las derechas antirrepublicanas españolas (1931-1936), [in:] Pasado y memoria 2 (2003), p. 113 The movement has always prided itself in totally independent, unaligned status. At different points in time it absorbed various political groupings, like the so-called apostólicos in the 1830s or the so-called neocatólicos in the 1860s, rather than joined alliances with others.for interpretation of the 19th-century Carlism of as an “amalgama contrarrevolucionaria” see Jordi Canal i Morell, Espacio propio, espacio público. La sociabilidad carlista en la España mediterránea an la etapa de entresiglos, [in:] Jean-Louis Guereña, Isidro Sánchez Sánchez, Rafael Villena Espinosa, Sociabilidad fin de siglo: espacios asociativos en torno a 1898, Cuenca 1999, , pp. 128-129. For the 20th century compare "el carlismo se había erigido de nuevo como núcleo cohesivo de otra alamgama conterrevolucionaria, aunque de dimensiones bastante más modestas que las del siglo XIX", Jordi Canal i Morell, Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939, Madrid 2006, , p. 324 In fact, periodically surfacing temptations to form broad coalitions were usually quashed and resulted in secessions, like in case of the so-called pidalistas in the 1870s or the so-called mellistas in the 1920s.for discussion of Carlism as a movement permanently plagued by secessions see e.g. Martin Blinkhorn, Los carlistas: cisma en el tradicionalismo (1876-1931), [in:] Historia 13 (1977), pp. 71-79. Numerous works discuss particular breakups, for the 1888 one see e.g. Jordi Canal i Morell, Las 'muertes' y las 'resurrecciones' del carlismo. Reflexiones sobre la escisión integrista de 1888, [in:] Ayer 38 (2000), pp. 115–136, for the 1919 one see e.g. Juan Ramón de Andrés Martín, El cisma mellista. Historia de una ambición política, Madrid 2000, . For treatment in classic works written from the Traditionalist perspective see Roman Oyarzun, Historia del carlismo, Madrid 1969, pp. 477-478, Melchor Ferrer, Breve historia del legitimismo español, Sevilla 1958, pp. 69-76 Even mild and provisional attempts to co-ordinate political strategy within the monarchist camp generated enormous internal resistance and were eventually abandoned, like in case of the so-called TYRE in the mid-1930s.Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 109-110, 139, 202 and passim; for detailed discussion of monarchist alliance of the mid-1930s see Julio Gil Pecharromán, El alfonsismo radical en las elecciones de febrero de 1936, [in:] Revista de Estudios Políticos 42 (1984), pp. 101-136
Until the late 19th century the Traditionalists viewed the army as a backbone of godless state, ravaged by liberalism, masonry and secularism;all Carlist violent attempts to seize power, and especially these resulting in civil wars of 1833-1840 and 1872-1876, were thwarted by the army; the military in general remained loyal to the Madrid government this approach started to change in the 1880s. While highly suspicious of other parties and unwilling to engage in political trade-offs, since the late 19th century Carlism was increasingly looking towards the military as to a potential partner on the path towards seizing power. Encouraged by the rise of Boulangism in France, they started to hope for a general who would be prepared to carry out a conservative coup d’état; in such case, they were ready to lend him their support.Jordi Canal, El carlismo, Madrid 2000, , pp. 231-255, Oyarzun 1969, pp. 475-489, Ferrer 1958, pp. 67-92 Throughout the next few decades these speculations focused on a few individuals, like Polavieja, Weyler, Primo de Rivera or Sanjurjo. In most cases these schemes eventually failed,generals Polavieja and Weyler were unwilling to rise against the government in the late 1890s and early 1900s; general Primo de Rivera did topple the government in 1923 and remained on close terms with some Traditionalists, but remained loyal to the Alfonsist king; general Sanjurjo collaborated closely with individual Carlists during the coup of 1932 but remained politically ambiguous though in the early summer of 1936 the Carlists managed to close a vague and ambiguous deal with general Emilio Mola, chief engineer of the military anti-Republican conspiracy; the agreement sealed their access to the military coup of July 1936.Canal 2000, pp. 325-326, Blinkhorn 2008, pp. 228-250