A motion of no confidence in the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy was debated and voted in the Congress of Deputies between 13 and 14 June 2017. It was brought by Unidos Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias as a result of a corruption case involving high-ranking People's Party (PP) officials, amid accusations of maneuvers from the Rajoy government to influence the judicial system in order to cover-up the scandal. This was the third vote of no confidence held in Spain since the country's transition to democracy—after the unsuccessful 1980 and 1987 ones—as well as the first not to be registered by the main opposition party at the time.
The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), Citizens (Cs) and the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) announced their rejection to any candidate proposed by Podemos, meaning that the motion was unlikely to succeed. These parties criticized the motion in that it was aimed more as a propaganda move to meddle in the ongoing PSOE leadership election rather than a genuine and realistic attempt to bring down Rajoy's government. Nonetheless, it garnered the support of Compromís, Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and EH Bildu.
The motion was defeated with a total of 82 votes in support, the negative vote of PP, Cs, Navarrese People's Union (UPN), Canarian Coalition (CCa) and Asturias Forum (FAC)—totalling 170 votes against—and the abstentions of PSOE, the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), PNV and New Canaries (NCa)—totalling 97. While the initiative was unsuccessful, it revealed the weakness of Rajoy's government as support votes and abstentions added up to more votes than Rajoy could command on his behalf. This would set the grounds for a similar, successful motion in May 2018 seeing the downfall of Rajoy's government and the election of Pedro Sánchez as Prime Minister of Spain.
Background
Rajoy's second government was sworn into office on 31 October 2016, after a ten-month political deadlock, two general elections and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party's (PSOE) ultimate decision not to block Mariano Rajoy's investiture bid following an internal crisis that had led to Pedro Sánchez's resignation as party leader. However, the resulting government was a minority one, and throughout the ensuing months it struggled to get its bills passed into law. Furthermore, the ruling People's Party (PP) came under increasing political pressure after a corruption scandal in Murcia had forced the resignation of regional president Pedro Antonio Sánchez.
In April 2017, after only five months into its term, the PP was shaken by a succession of events that damaged the party's image. Just as prime minister Rajoy was called to testify as witness at the Gürtel graft trial, a new case of alleged corruption was unveiled (dubbed as "Lezo"), joining the already ongoing investigations into the Púnica and Gürtel scandals. Operation Lezo resulted in the arrest of former Madrilenian president Ignacio González, who was accused of diverting millions of euros from the public treasury into tax havens and to pay off the regional party's debts during his tenure as Madrid premier. The scope of the new scandal reached heights never seen in Spanish politics. Several companies—namely OHL, PricewaterhouseCoopers, Indra and Canal de Isabel II, among others—suspect of having illegally financed the PP's Madrilenian branch, had their headquarters in Spain registered by the police in search of incriminating documentation. Party veteran and former González's boss Esperanza Aguirre resigned from her remaining political offices after seeing many of her former close advisers imprisoned or indicted in a number of judicial procedures.
The leaking of a series of recordings that involved González and various high-ranking PP and government officials—including former Valencian president Eduardo Zaplana and justice minister Rafael Catalá—unveiled a plot from the interior and justice ministries to cover-up the scandal, seriously putting judicial independence in Spain into question. In one of the leaked recordings, González pointed to a tape that would allegedly show Rajoy receiving bribes from a businessman, and that this would have been used by Intereconomía CEO Julio Ariza in the past to blackmail him. Concurrently, the anti-corruption chief prosecutor, Manuel Moix—revealed by police wiretaps to have been favoured for the job by Ignacio González himself—was accused of trying to stop investigations into the PP graft accusations. Secretary of State for Security José Antonio Nieto—Juan Ignacio Zoido's deputy in the interior ministry—came under pressure after being accused of revealing details of the ongoing investigations to González's brother in a private meeting held on 8 March 2017.
By mid-May, the string of scandals had splattered Cristina Cifuentes, incumbent president of Madrid, who was accused by the Civil Guard of having been involved in the contract-awarding procedures that led to her party's illegal financing between 2007 and 2012. By this time, it was also concluded that Esperanza Aguirre had won the 2007 and 2011 regional elections unfairly, with her campaign budgets well above those legally declared, through a system that "hurted political pluralism". Allegedly, these illegal funds were also used by Mariano Rajoy's campaign in the 2008 general election. Suspicions of embezzlement in the Community of Madrid reached as far back as 2001, during Alberto Ruiz-Gallardón's tenure, whose cabinet at the time was put under investigation by the Civil Guard. In the meantime, a separate investigation by the National Police into the ongoing scandals involving the family of former Catalan president Jordi Pujol linked former labour minister Manuel Pimentel and Ignacio López del Hierro, husband of María Dolores de Cospedal—incumbent defence minister and PP secretary-general—to another corruption plot in Africa, with connections to the Lezo scandal.
As a result of the scandals and Rajoy's refusal to take any action, Unidos Podemos members—comprising Podemos, United Left, En Comú Podem and En Marea—announced on 27 April that they would table a motion of no confidence and would request support for it from PSOE and other parties. The rivalries between the parties in opposition, however, meant that the initiative was unlikely to succeed: PSOE rejected the motion and accused Podemos leader Pablo Iglesias of "bad faith" and of interfering within the party's ongoing leadership primary election, whereas Citizens (Cs)—on which the Rajoy government relied for confidence and supply support—labeled the move as "a circus". The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) also voiced its rejection to the maneuver. Nonetheless, the Socialists were put in a difficult situation, as opposing the motion would see them rallying behind Rajoy's government amid the ongoing scandals at a time when they were still without a leader.
Legal provisions The Spanish Constitution of 1978 required for motions of no confidence to be proposed by at least one-tenth of the Congress of Deputies—35 out of 350. Following the German model, votes of no confidence in Spain were constructive, so the motion was required to include an alternative candidate for prime minister. For a motion of no confidence to be successful, it had to be passed by an absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies. A minimum period of five days from the motion's registration (dubbed as "cooling period") was required to pass before it could come up for a vote, but no maximum was established. Other parties were entitled to submit alternative motions within the first two days from the registration.
Concurrently, the Prime Minister was barred from dissolving the Cortes Generales and calling a general election while a motion of no confidence was pending. If the motion was successful, the incumbent prime minister and their government were required to submit their resignation to the Monarch, while the candidate proposed in the motion was automatically considered to have the confidence of the Congress of Deputies and immediately appointed as prime minister. If unsuccessful, the signatories of the motion were barred from submitting another during the same session.
The procedure for motions of no confidence was regulated within Articles 175 to 179 of the Standing Orders of the Congress of Deputies, which provided for the debate on the motion starting with its defence by one of the signatory members without any time limitations, to be followed by an also time-unlimited speech by the nominated candidate to explain their political programme. Subsequently, spokespeople from the different parliamentary groups in Congress were allowed to speak for thirty minutes, with an opportunity to reply or rectify themselves for ten minutes. Members of the government were allowed to take the floor and speak at any time of their request during the debate.
The motion Registration and support
On 19 May 2017, the motion was formally tabled by thirty-seven Unidos Podemos deputies, with Pablo Iglesias as the proposed candidate for prime minister. Iglesias invited the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) into an agreement but acknowledged that the initiative was likely to be defeated, claiming to know that he would not "come out as prime minister from this vote of no confidence, but it is my responsibility", despite the move entailing "enormous risks": while previous motions of no confidence held since the Spanish transition to democracy had also been defeated, the one in 1980 was successful in promoting the figure of Felipe González—said to be one of many contributing factors to his landslide win in the 1982 election—whereas the one in 1987 signaled the twilight of Antonio Hernández Mancha's political career. The motion promoters held a demonstration in Puerta del Sol, Madrid, on 20 May, where thousands gathered in support of the initiative.
Compromís enthusiastically welcomed the motion and announced their support to Unidos Podemos. Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) was sympathetic to the initiative, but conditioned it on Podemos supporting an independence referendum to be held in Catalonia. This same condition was demanded by the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), which nonetheless remained more skeptical and argued that they would "evaluate the pros and cons" of supporting the motion before taking a decision. EH Bildu showed their willingness to support the initiative if Podemos reassured their commitment to the "right to decide", which they had already contemplated in their election manifesto. The motion also received the support of trade unions UGT and CCOO, which voiced their "disappointment and sadness" with opposition parties not backing it.
Rejections and PSOE's stance The PSOE initially announced that they would vote against the motion, arguing that it was an "intrusion" within the party's ongoing primaries. All three candidates for the party's leadership—Susana Díaz, Pedro Sánchez and Patxi López—rejected Podemos's move, perceiving it as being directed to their party rather than to Rajoy's. Interim PSOE leader Javier Fernández rejected Iglesias's attempts to discuss the initiative, despite the latter's offerings to back down in favour of a PSOE candidate. Citizens (Cs) ruled out supporting the motion and dubbed it as a "circus number", whereas the PP mocked the initiative as an "absurdity". PP's electoral partners, Navarrese People's Union (UPN) and Asturias Forum (FAC), were widely expected to oppose the motion, whereas Canarian Coalition (CCa) and New Canaries (NCa) hinted at their rejection as well. Members from the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) dubbed the initiative as "an absolute awkwardness" and criticized Podemos for announcing the motion to the media without discussing it first with the rest of parties, while also stating that they were "not very convinced" of having Iglesias as an alternative candidate to Rajoy.