The Sharecroppers' Union, also known as SCU or Alabama Sharecroppers’ Union, was a trade union of predominantly African American tenant farmers (commonly referred to as sharecroppers) in the American South that operated from 1931 to 1936. Its aims were to improve wages and working conditions for sharecroppers.Pirani, Pietro (2003).Sharecroppers’ Union. In Carlisle, Rodney P. (Ed.) (2003). Encyclopedia of Politics : The Left and the Right.Thousand Oaks, Ca.: Sage Publications.
Founded in 1931 in Tallapoosa County, Alabama, the Sharecroppers' Union had its origins in the Croppers’ and Farm Workers’ Union (CFWU). It was founded with the support of the Communist Party USA and, although theoretically open to all races, its membership by 1933 was solely African-American.Murphy, Al (1933). "Achievements and tasks of the Sharecroppers Union" (Party Speech). In Fried, Albert (1997). Communism in America: A History in Documents. New York: Columbia University Press. . Page 142.Interracial coordinated political activity was a dangerous notion in the South of the 1930s: a white tenant farmer was lynched for his sympathy with the SCU. see Kelley, Robin D. G. (1990). Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists during the Great Depression. Chapel Hill : University of North Carolina Press. . Page 48. Among its first members was Ned Cobb, whose story was told in Theodore Rosengarten’s All God's Dangers: The Life of Nate Shaw.Today in labor history: Black farmer-union leader murdered by sheriff’s posse. People’s World.
SCU's initial demands included continuation of food advances, which had been suspended by landowners in an attempt to drive down wages; the ASU also demanded the right to sell surplus crops directly in the market rather than having to rely on brokerage by the landowners. They demanded also the right to cultivate small garden plots in order to minimize dependency on the landowners for food. In addition to the demand for payments to be made in cash rather than in goods, SCU membership also demanded nine-month public elementary schools for their children.
In 1935, the SCU turned its attention to the Federal government. Subsidies which were provided by the New Deals' 1933 Agricultural Adjustment Act (AAA) benefited only the landowners and the SCU sued the Federal government for direct payment to sharecroppers. The AAA was declared unconstitutional in 1936 and the case was subsequently dropped.
By 1935, membership had reached 5,000;Carter, Dan (2007). Scottsboro : a tragedy of the American South. Baton Rouge : Louisiana State University Press. . Page 178. by 1936, membership had nearly doubled to 10,000.Haywood, Harry and Hall, Gwendolyn (2012). A Black Communist in the Freedom Struggle: The Life of Harry Haywood. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. . Page 198. However, in October of that year the Communist Party, desirous of promoting a more popular-frontist bloc with Democrats in the South, withdrew its support of SCU,Cane, Don and Zorn, Jacob (2008). Communist Organizing in the Jim Crow South. Workers Vanguard No. 925 resulting in the dissolution of the SCU as it merged first into the Farmers' Union of Alabama and then into the Alabama Agricultural Workers' Union.
Beginnings In the late 1920s, the Communist Party USA played a pivotal role in the origins of the Sharecroppers Union.The Communist Party approached the area of the Black Belt South with preparations to connect and solidify the ideas of self-determination and the ongoing daily struggles of African American sharecroppers. The Communist Party also had plans of becoming the main organizer for their sharecroppers that later turned into the Sharecroppers union. There were notions that this organizational movement was not going to be demonstrated in public. In 1930, the Party was beginning its efforts to organize in Birmingham, Alabama. Over the next few months the members of the union was steadily rising with members by August. With the rise of members for the union, many were perplexed on what exactly they were a part of, these misunderstandings were of members who presumed they were a part of the Communist Party, instead of the sharecroppers union. The Communist Party sent Mack Coad to the south, a veteran African American organizer. The Sharecroppers union was officially established in 1931 and meetings of union members led by Coad began to take place. By the summer of 1931, in Birmingham, there were reported to be over 200 African American members in the union, and the attempts to halt these meetings had begun from the local sheriff or racially motivated mobs. These raids turned extremely violent when the local sheriff, J.K. Young, spotted and began to harass Ralph Gray, a leader of the sharecroppers at the time. After a heated exchange, gun shots were traded by both individuals, both of which who were wounded by this altercation. Later on, a lynch mob formed and stormed Gray's home, where he was mercilessly executed. The lynch mob dumped Gray's body in front of the courthouse, as a message to the African American community. A month later, over 50 croppers met to establish the first 5 locals of the union. In the later half of 1931, The Communist Party had a meeting that reflected over the incidents that occurred in the summer. Tom Johnson, the Communist Party's district organizer of the Black Belt South, stated in the meeting that the events that unfolded stemmed from the union's inability to practice effective organization. At this point, the Communist Party acknowledged the reality of African Americans daily struggle. A direct link was made from the daily struggles to the battle for self-determination. Afterwards, The Party proceeded to amplify their approach on the Black Belt, locals that consisted of 10 sharecroppers were created and organized appropriately in this secondary effort. These locals that consisted of 10 individuals were also each elected in different roles that consisted of a captain, secretary, etc. Amongst these locals the participants would often discuss subjects related on Marxism as well as Leninism, the issues that workers are faced with in the world, socialism and self-determination. Captains of these locals had their own meetings where goals were introduced as well as any tasks or action to promote. Each group of these 10 sharecroppers would be responsible for providing any aide to women and children.
The Sharecroppers Union in less than a year had expanded to four counties that stretched over Black Belt. The number of members fluctuated between 100–150 for each individual county, locals were as well beginning to be formed in the outskirts of Macon and Chambers Counties. Within the growing phase of the Sharecroppers Union, concerns and questions started to rise on the teachings and the awareness of political education among the members. James Allen, a journalist who was writing for a news office based in Tennessee named the SW, reported that there was minimal reference to self-determination as an acknowledged goal, and that these discussions must be the topic of conversation in the training classes of the Party. The Party were users of printed propaganda in which they included articles of self-determination. Conflicts regarding self-determination in the communities were topics of conversations for the Party in their printed press. These printed articles were the primary source for political education for the locals. The Party's newspaper gave simplified political information in easier reading formats, illiteracy was rampant among the Sharecropper locals. There were criticisms among members that the press was not going to be sufficient in educational attempts. Party members who were closer towards the Sharecroppers made efforts for increased demand of materials for politically educational motives. Illiteracy was common among the majority of communities in the South. These illiteracy rates stemmed from minimal establishments of educational facilities from the local government. This led to plantation owners pressuring children to work. Members of the Party concluded that for political education to be effectively introduced than issues regarding illiteracy needed to be addressed primarily, this halted self-determination. Counties across the South each had no more than a couple of mailboxes which made literacy distribution an unrealistic idea. To combat this situation the Sharecroppers Union implemented an underground system for distributions of printed press within counties. Within the Sharecroppers Union the Party created unique units that were led by captains who were Party members, these captains were selected from exceptional demonstrations of loyalty to the Party. The Sharecroppers Union also introduced seven demands. These demands were paralleled with daily struggles that sharecroppers would centralize their organization along with the help of the Party. These demands were mainly about economic requests that would address control of the land, this would push sharecroppers to confronting landlords. There were no demands regarding voting or segregation.
The Communist Party USA assisted the Sharecroppers Union to focus on problems between sharecroppers and landowners. The Party elaborated to the sharecroppers that obtainment of self-determination meant the control of landowner's properties. Contrary to movements on going in the North, demands for social equality were uncommon to take place in meetings. Sharecroppers were brought to open conflict with landowners in 1931. Demands from the Sharecroppers Union were supposed to bring together the ideas of daily issues in the South for sharecroppers and self-determination. Within the first year of the Sharecroppers Union establishment, the union was successful in obtaining several victories against landlords. The sharecroppers then formed a committee that ordered landlords to provide clothing and shoes to families of sharecroppers.
Violence against the union The landlords accepted these terms. By 1932, the Sharecroppers Union began to face adversities regarding actual violence, the distribution of mail among counties for any attempts of organization and also the threatening presence and an outcome of physical violence from possible organized terrorist groups or from the local government, which most of the time were the same entity. Sharecroppers began to attend meetings armed to protect themselves, they also carried out cautious measures to purchase grand quantities of ammunition. Tensions among the Sharecroppers and law enforcement began to dangerously rise. On December 19, 1932, in Reeltown, Alabama, a deadly situation broke out regarding the sharecroppers and law enforcement. The local sheriff, Clifford Elder, arrived at the home of Cliff James, a sharecropper who was a leading member in the Sharecroppers Union. Sheriff Elder was making an attempt to seize the property of James, who had a previous altercation with a local merchant landowner who made claims of James owing him money. This merchant, W.S. Parker, contacted the sheriff when no agreement was made over the money that was owed. The sheriff was tasked with the confiscation of James's mules and cows. Members of the Sharecroppers Union that resided in Reeltown heard about the altercation on going at James's residence and decided to intervene and thwart attempts made by Sheriff Elder. The sharecroppers at the scene reported Sheriff Elder arriving with three additional deputies and immediately opening fire, in the retaliation of the sharecroppers, four deputies were wounded. Multiple sharecroppers were wounded, among the wounded was Cliff James who died from his injuries, another sharecropper was also killed at the scene of the confrontation.