The theory of the firm consists of a number of economic theories that explain and predict the nature of a firm: e.g. a business, company, corporation, etc... The nature of the firm includes its origin, continued existence, behaviour, structure, and relationship to the market. Description & review. • Spulber, Daniel F. (2009). The Theory of the Firm, Cambridge. Description, front matter, and "Introduction" excerpt. Firms are key drivers in economics, providing goods and services in return for monetary payments and rewards. Organisational structure, incentives, employee productivity, and information all influence the successful operation of a firm both in the economy and in its internal processes. As such, major economic theories such as transaction cost theory, managerial economics, the behavioural theory of the firm, the resource-based view, and the dynamic capabilities framework provide conceptual frameworks for an in-depth analysis on various types of firms and their management.
Overview In simplified terms, The Theory of The Firm aims to answer these questions: Existence. Why do firms emerge? Why aren't all transactions in the economy mediated through the market? Boundaries. Why is the boundary between firms and the market located exactly where it exists in relation to size and output variety? Which transactions are performed internally and which are negotiated through the market? Organization. Why are firms structured in such specific ways, for example hierarchically or decentralized? What is the interplay of formal and informal relationships? Heterogeneity of firm actions/performances. What drives different actions and the performance of firms? Evidence. What tests are there for the respective theories of the firm?Thomas N. Hubbard (2008). "firm boundaries (empirical studies)," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract.
Firms exist as an alternative system to the market-price mechanism when it is more efficient to produce in a non-market environment. For example, in a labour market, it might be very difficult or costly for firms or organizations to engage in production when they have to hire and fire their workers depending on demand/supply conditions. It might also be costly for employees to shift companies every day looking for better alternatives. Similarly, it may be costly for companies to find new suppliers daily. Thus, firms engage in a long-term contract with their employees or a long-term contract with suppliers to minimize the cost or maximize the value of property rights.Jean Tirole (1988). The Theory of Industrial Organization. "The Theory of the Firm", pp. 15–60. MIT Press.Luigi Zingales (2008). "corporate governance," The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract.Williamson, Oliver E. (2009). "Transaction Cost Economics: The Natural Progression," Nobel lecture. Reprinted in
Background The First World War period saw a change of emphasis in economic theory away from industry-level analysis which mainly included analyzing markets to analysis at the level of the firm, as it became increasingly clear that perfect competition was no longer an adequate model of how firms behaved. Economic theory until then had focused on trying to understand markets alone and there had been little study on understanding why firms or organisations exist. Markets are guided by prices and quality as illustrated by vegetable markets where a buyer is free to switch sellers in an exchange. The need for a revised theory of the firm was emphasized by empirical studies by Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means, who made it clear that ownership of a typical American corporation is spread over a wide number of shareholders, leaving control in the hands of managers who own very little equity themselves. R. L. Hall and Charles J. Hitch found that executives made decisions by rule of thumb rather than in the marginalist way.
Transaction cost theory
According to Ronald Coase's essay "The Nature of the Firm", people begin to organise their production in firms when the transaction cost of coordinating production through the market exchange, given imperfect information, is greater than within the firm.
Ronald Coase set out his transaction cost theory of the firm in 1937, making it one of the first (neo-classical) attempts to define the firm theoretically in relation to the market. One aspect of its 'neoclassicism' lies in presenting an explanation of the firm consistent with constant returns to scale, rather than relying on increasing returns to scale.Archibald, G.C. (1987 ). "firm, theory of the," The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics, v. 2, p. 357. Another is in defining a firm in a manner which is both realistic and compatible with the idea of substitution at the margin, so instruments of conventional economic analysis apply. He notes that a firm's interactions with the market may not be under its control (for instance because of sales taxes), but its internal allocation of resources are: "Within a firm, … market transactions are eliminated and in place of the complicated market structure with exchange transactions is substituted the entrepreneur … who directs production." He asks why alternative methods of production (such as the price mechanism and economic planning), could not either achieve all production, so that either firms use internal prices for all their production, or one big firm runs the entire economy.
Coase begins from the standpoint that markets could in theory carry out all production and that what needs to be explained is the existence of the firm, with its "distinguishing mark … [of] the supersession of the price mechanism." Coase identifies some reasons why firms might arise, and dismisses each as unimportant:
if some people prefer to work under the direction and are prepared to pay for the privilege (but this is unlikely); if some people prefer to direct others and are prepared to pay for this (but generally people are paid more to direct others); if purchasers prefer goods produced by firms.
Instead, for Coase the main reason to establish a firm is to avoid some of the transaction costs of using the price mechanism. These include discovering relevant prices (which can be reduced but not eliminated by purchasing this information through specialists), as well as the costs of negotiating and writing enforceable contracts for each transaction (which can be large if there is uncertainty). Moreover, contracts in an uncertain world will necessarily be incomplete and have to be frequently re-negotiated. The costs of haggling about the division of surplus, particularly if there is asymmetric information and asset specificity, may be considerable.
If a firm operated internally under the market system, many contracts would be required (for instance, even for procuring a pen or delivering a presentation). In contrast, a real firm has very few (though much more complex) contracts, such as defining a manager's power of direction over employees, in exchange for which the employee is paid. These kinds of contracts are drawn up in situations of uncertainty, in particular for relationships that last over long periods of time. Such a situation runs counter to neo-classical economic theory. The neo-classical market is instantaneous, forbidding the development of extended agent-principal (employee-manager) relationships, planning, and of trust. Coase concludes that "a firm is likely therefore to emerge in those cases where a very short-term contract would be unsatisfactory", and that "it seems improbable that a firm would emerge without the existence of uncertainty".
He notes that government measures relating to the market (sales taxes, rationing, price controls) tend to increase the size of firms, since firms internally would not be subject to such transaction costs. Thus, Coase defines the firm as "the system of relationships which comes into existence when the direction of resources is dependent on the entrepreneur." We can therefore think of a firm as getting larger or smaller based on whether the entrepreneur organises more or fewer transactions.
The question then arises of what determines the size of the firm; why does the entrepreneur organise the transactions he does, why no more or less? Since the reason for the firm's being is to have lower costs than the market, the upper limit on the firm's size is set by costs rising to the point where internalising an additional transaction equals the cost of making that transaction in the market. (At the lower limit, the firm's costs exceed the market's costs, and it does not come into existence.) In practice, diminishing returns to management contribute most to raising the costs of organising a large firm, particularly in large firms with many different plants and differing internal transactions (such as a conglomerate), or if the relevant prices change frequently.
Coase concludes by saying that the size of the firm is dependent on the costs of using the price mechanism, and on the costs of organisation of other entrepreneurs. These two factors together determine how many products a firm produces and how much of each.
Reconsiderations of transaction cost theory According to Louis Putterman, most economists accept distinction between intra-firm and interfirm transaction but also that the two shade into each other; the extent of a firm is not simply defined by its capital stock. George Barclay Richardson for example, notes that a rigid distinction fails because of the existence of intermediate forms between firm and market such as inter-firm co-operation.
Klein (1983) asserts that "Economists now recognise that such a sharp distinction does not exist and that it is useful to consider also transactions occurring within the firm as representing market (contractual) relationships." The costs involved in such transactions that are within a firm or even between the firms are the transaction costs.
Ultimately, whether the firm constitutes a domain of bureaucratic direction that is shielded from market forces or simply "a legal fiction", "a nexus for a set of contracting relationships among individuals" (as Jensen and Meckling put it) is "a function of the completeness of markets and the ability of market forces to penetrate intra-firm relationships".
Managerial and behavioural theories It was only in the 1960s that the neo-classical theory of the firm was seriously challenged by alternatives such as managerial and behavioral theories. Managerial theories of the firm, as developed by William Baumol (1959 and 1962), Robin Marris (1964) and Oliver E. Williamson (1966), suggest that managers would seek to maximise their own utility and consider the implications of this for firm behavior in contrast to the profit-maximising case. (Baumol suggested that managers' interests are best served by maximising sales after achieving a minimum level of profit which satisfies shareholders.) More recently this has developed into 'principal–agent' analysis (e.g., Spence and Zeckhauser and Ross (1973) on problems of contracting with asymmetric information) which models a widely applicable case where a principal (a shareholder or firm for example) cannot costlessly infer how an agent (a manager or supplier, say) is behaving. This may arise either because the agent has greater expertise or knowledge than the principal, or because the principal cannot directly observe the agent's actions; it is asymmetric information that leads to a problem of moral hazard. This means that to an extent managers can pursue their own interests. Traditional managerial models typically assume that managers, instead of maximising profit, maximise a simple objective utility function (this may include salary, perks, security, power, prestige) subject to an arbitrarily given profit constraint (profit satisficing).
Behavioural approach