In August and September 1964, a cabinet crisis occurred in Malawi following the dismissal of three cabinet ministers and a parliamentary secretary by Prime Minister Hastings Banda on 7 September. The dismissals came after an unresolved confrontation, between Banda and some of his ministers on 26 August, and would be followed by the resignations of three more cabinet ministers along with another parliamentary secretary who were sympathetic with those who were dismissed. Initially, this only left the President and one other minister in post, although one of those who had resigned rescinded his resignation within a few hours.
The reasons that the ex-ministers put forward for the confrontation and subsequent resignations were the autocratic attitude of Banda, who failed to consult other ministers and kept power in his own hands, his insistence on maintaining diplomatic relations with South Africa and Portugal, and a number of domestic austerity measures. It is unclear whether the former ministers intended to remove Banda entirely, to reduce his role to that of a non-executive figurehead or simply to force him to recognise collective cabinet responsibility.
Banda seized the initiative, firstly, by dismissing some of the dissidents rather than negotiating, and secondly, (after the resignations) by holding a debate on a motion of confidence on 8 and 9 September 1964. As the result of the debate was an overwhelming vote of confidence, Banda declined to reinstate any of the ministers or offer them any other posts, despite the urging of the Governor-General of Malawi, Sir Glyn Jones to compromise.
After some unrest and clashes between supporters of the ex-ministers and of Banda, most of the former left Malawi in October 1964 with their families and leading supporters, for Zambia or Tanzania. One ex-minister, Henry Chipembere went into hiding inside Malawi and, in February 1965, led a small, unsuccessful armed uprising. After its failure, he was able to emigrate to the USA. Another ex-minister, Yatuta Chisiza, organised an even smaller incursion from Mozambique in 1967, in which he was killed. Several of the former ministers died in exile or, in the case of Orton Chirwa in a Malawian jail, but some survived to return to Malawi after Banda was deposed and returned to public life.
The Cabinet Crisis, sometimes referred to as the Revolt of the Ministers is one of the most important but also most controversial episodes in the history of independent Malawi. Many of the contemporary documentary sources were written by expatriate diplomats and officials who were not close to the ex-ministers, and in some cases antagonistic to them. These accounts have been contradicted by the autobiographies, often written long after the event, of the ex-ministers themselves, although these are also inconsistent with one another. The principal published works quoted rely on a mixture of documentary sources and interviews with participants, both African and expatriate, and suggest that the crisis arose in a political culture that permitted no dissent, and treated attempts to debate issues as plotting.
Nyasaland African Congress Development of Congress For most of the colonial period, most Africans in Nyasaland had no political voice and only a small number of chiefs had a very limited influence on the colonial government. They did not represent the interests of a growing body of African town dwellers. Most early African interest groups were local, represented only a small, mainly urban educated African elite and promoted their demands for a political voice, not independence. Only in the 1940s, with the formation of the Nyasaland African Congress, did one organisation represent the whole of Nyasaland.van Velson (1966), Some Early Pressure Groups in Malawi, pp. 376-8, 400, 411. From 1944, various African local associations united into the Nyasaland African Congress, which demanded African representation on the Legislative Council that advised the colonial governors.J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 271, 313–16. From 1946, the Nyasaland African Congress received financial and political support from Hastings Banda, then living in Britain. Post-war British governments of both main parties agreed to the formation of a federation of the three British territories in Central Africa, rather than their complete amalgamation, as the Southern Rhodesian government preferred: the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland was pushed through in 1953 against very strong African opposition.A C Ross, (2009). Colonialism to Cabinet Crisis: a Political History of Malawi, pp. 62, 65–6. Federation radicalised some younger Congress members, and when in 1955, the Colonial Office agreed that the Legislative Council should include five African members nominated by Provincial Councils, they seized the opportunity. Although the Provincial Councils were largely composed of chiefs, their members were receptive to popular wishes, and they nominated Congress members or supporters to the Legislative Council. In 1956, Henry Chipembere and Kanyama Chiume, two young radical members of Congress, were nominated together with two moderate Congress members and a Congress supporter. This success led to a rapid growth in Congress membership in 1956 and 1957.J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 341–2.
Chipembere and Chiume were members of a new generation of pan-Africanist politicians, deeply influenced by Socialist and sometimes Marxist ideas and experiences acquired outside Malawi, who realised the value of a well-organised mass movement. Chipembere was a southerner, but many others were northerners. Chiume was born in the Nkhata Bay district but educated entirely in Tanganyika and Uganda. Dunduzu Chisiza and his elder brother, Yatuta Chisiza, had been born in Karonga District before becoming a long-term residents of Uganda and Tanganyika. They were influenced both by Julius Nyerere and Kenneth Kaunda; Dunduzu had also lived in Southern Rhodesia before being deported to Nyasaland for his political activities.J McCracken, (2002). The Ambiguities of Nationalism, p. 76. During the 1950s, these younger men displaced the older generation as leaders of Congress. They expressed hostility towards Europeanization, which cut them off from their cultural roots, an African middle class sympathising with Federation and the autocratic Chiefs. However, as they lacked status and knowledge of local African customs, they needed a charismatic older man as their leader. The chosen leader, Dr Banda, was sensitive to the country's political tradition. In preaching defiance of the "stupid Federation", Banda was in tune with the popular mood, but he also defended the chiefs and the rights of the older generation of educated men.M L Chanock, (1975). Ambiguities in the Malawian Political Tradition, p. 344.
Banda's return The younger members of the Nyasaland African Congress had little faith in its leader, T D T Banda, and wished to replace him with Dr Hastings Banda, who had by then moved to the Gold Coast. Dr Banda announced he would only return if given the presidency of Congress: after this was agreed, he returned to Nyasaland in July 1958 and T D T Banda was ousted.J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 344–5.
When Banda returned to Nyasaland, which he had left in 1915, he was over 60. Chipembere and Chiume and most other leading Congress activists were in their late 20s or early 30s. As well as the age difference there was, from the start, a disagreement about Banda's role: the activists saw him as a figurehead, but he saw himself as the leader of Congress and expected their obedience.C Baker, (2001). Revolt of the Ministers: The Malawi Cabinet Crisis 1964–1965 pp. 2–3. Banda was absolutely opposed to Federation, but otherwise more moderate in his speeches that the younger Congress members. Both Chipembere and Chiume avoided social contact with Europeans and, in their speeches, they frequently denounced Europeans as a group, in contrast to Banda's relatively cordial relations with individual Europeans.A C Ross, (2009). Colonialism to Cabinet Crisis: a Political History of Malawi, p. 207.
Banda appointed Chipembere as Treasurer, Chiume as Publicity Secretary and Dunduzu Chisiza as Secretary-general of Congress. He also appointed four other young radicals to the party's Executive Committee, ignoring older moderates, but made it clear that he regarded his appointees as subordinates, not colleagues. Although these appointees had senior positions, these came with a heavy workload and tied them to the MCP headquarters in Blantyre, away from their grassroots support.C Baker, (2001). Revolt of the Ministers: The Malawi Cabinet Crisis 1964–1965 pp. 6–7. In the nine months between his return and the declaration of a State of Emergency, Banda combined opposition to Federation with more popular causes, such as the African smallholders' dislike of agricultural practices imposed on them. He used these popular issues to mobilise Congress supporters into strikes, disobedience and protests that would disrupt the everyday operation of the colonial government.J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 347–49.A C Ross, (2009). Colonialism to Cabinet Crisis: a Political History of Malawi, p. 155.
The 1959 Emergency Background In January 1958, Banda presented Congress proposals for an African majority in the Legislative Council to the governor, Sir Robert Armitage. As this would have led to a demand for withdrawal from the Federation, Armitage refused. This breakdown in talks led to Congress demands for more violent anti-government action, and leading Congress activists made increasingly inflammatory statements. Armitage was influenced by reports from police informers, who claimed Congress planned the indiscriminate killing of Europeans and Asians, and of its African opponents, the so-called "murder plot". There is no evidence that a murder plot existed, but the refusal of Banda or other Congress leaders to condemn the violent actions of Congress members gave it some plausibility. Armitage prepared for mass arrests and, on 20 February, troops from Rhodesia were flown into Nyasaland. In the days following 20 February, both Chipembere and Yatuta Chisiza made a number of provocative speeches, many followed by disturbances, and the police or troops fired on some of these, leading to four deaths.R. I. Rotberg, (1965). The Rise of Nationalism in Central Africa, pp. 296–7.J McCracken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859–1966, pp. 296, 349–51.
On 3 March 1959, Armitage declared a State of Emergency over the whole of the protectorate and arrested Banda, other members of the Congress executive committee and over a hundred local party officials. The Nyasaland African Congress was banned the next day. Those arrested were detained without trial and the total number detained finally rose to over 1,300. Rather than calming the situation immediately, in the emergency that followed fifty-one Africans were killed and many more were wounded.C Baker, (2007). The Mechanics of Rebuttal, p. 28. By the night of 3 March, most principal Congress leaders had been arrested and detained. Some were released very quickly, but 72 prominent detainees, including Banda, were flown to Southern Rhodesia. Others were detained in Nyasaland. In the immediate aftermath of arrest, 21 people were killed and many wounded.C Baker, (1997). State of Emergency: Nyasaland 1959, pp. 40–2, 48.
Aftermath