Bolivarian propaganda (also known as chavista propaganda and Venezuelan propaganda) is a form of nationalist propaganda, especially in Venezuela and associated with chavismo, Venezuelan socialism. This type of propaganda has been associated with Hugo Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution,Manwaring (2005), pp. 8–13. which used emotional arguments to gain attention, exploit the fears of the population, create external enemies for scapegoat purposes, and produce nationalism within the population, causing feelings of betrayal for support of the opposition.Manwaring (2005), p. 11.

The World Politics Review stated in 2007 that, as Chávez began "transforming Venezuela into a socialist state", propaganda was "an important role in maintaining and mobilizing government supporters". The image of Chávez was seen on sides of buildings, on T-shirts, on ambulances, on official Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA) billboards, and as action figures throughout Venezuela. A 2011 article by The New York Times said Venezuela has an "expanding state propaganda complex" while The Boston Globe described Chávez as "a media savvy, forward-thinking propagandist" that had "the oil wealth to influence public opinion".

Chávez's successor, Nicolás Maduro, has continued using obligatory broadcasts on television known as cadenas. Maduro became unpopular among Venezuelans, especially throughout the Venezuelan protests, with The Economist noting that "Chavistas used to be good at propaganda. Now they cannot even get that right". Essayist Alberto Barrera Tyszka has stated that citizens viewing state propaganda see well-fed Bolivarian officials living in "decadence", which offends the "poverty of Venezuelans" and has damaged the government's image, with the majority of Venezuelans suffering from malnutrition under Maduro's government.

Background The term Bolivarian Revolution denotes a system of government,Manwaring (2005), p. 8. based on Simón Bolívar's vision of a unified South America led by a "strong but compassionate caudillo". Months after being inaugurated in 1999, Chávez promised to bring dramatic change to Venezuela through this revolution resulting in a "radical redefinition of the relationship of the media system of mass communication with the sphere of political power and beyond, with the State itself as controller and regulating agent of society".

A so-called "participatory democracy", had become the foundation of the Hugo Chávez administration, with Chávez utilizing the national hero Simón Bolívar to legitimize his political standing. According to Rory Carroll, "Media mastery had helped the commandante win successive elections and turn his administration into what he called the Bolivarian revolution".

Chávez's popularity was accomplished through "exploitation of charismatic legitimacy" and a propaganda program was established to accomplish "participatory democracy", to strengthen his political position, and to strengthen his power base.Manwaring (2005), p. 10. Douglas Schoen in The Threat Closer to Home said that Chávez has promoted his populist message via programs and legislation including a loyal chavista branch of bishops in the Catholic Church,Schoen (2009), p. 154. closing RCTV, and altering laws to require citizens to report disloyal citizens.Schoen (2009), p. 156.

Funding In 2002, the Venezuelan government signed a $1.2 million contract with lobby firm Patton Boggs to improve the image of Hugo Chávez in the United States. In 2004, it was estimated that the Venezuelan government's funding of propaganda was $30,000 per day domestically to about $1.0 million per day for both domestic and international propaganda.

According to El Nacional, 65% of Venezuela's Ministry of Communication and Information (MINCI) funds were used for "official propaganda" in 2014. Allocation of funds to MINCI were over 500 million Venezuelan bolívares. These funds were divided among separate government media organizations; 161,043,447 bolívares to VTV, 65% more than it received in 2012, 97,335,051 bolívares for the Venezuelan Telecommunications Corporation, 96,861,858 bolívares for the New Television Station of the South, 20,381,890 bolívares for El Correo del Orinoco, 48,935,326 bolívares for AVN and more.

For the 2015 Venezuelan government budget, the Venezuelan government designated 1.8 billion bolívares for the promotion of the supposed achievements made by the government of Nicolás Maduro, which was more than the 1.3 billion bolívares designated by the Ministry of Interior, Justice and Peace for public safety of the most populous Venezuelan municipality, Libertador Bolivarian Municipality. Funding for domestic propaganda increased 139.3% in the 2015 budget with 73.7% of the Ministry of Communication and Information's budget compromising for official propaganda. With the 2015 budget, payments for government media could be around 3.61 billion bolívares per year.

Governmental and political organizations

Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Information

According to El Nacional, the Venezuelan government's Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Information (MINCI) used the majority of their 2014 budget for "official propaganda". According to a political communication analyst, Oswaldo Ramírez, MINCI has been "the propaganda function" during the Maduro presidency due to his low popularity. The vice president of the National Association of Journalists (CNP), Nikary González, stated that MINCI "remains with political propaganda that favors the PSUV".

United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) The United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) is the ruling political party of the Venezuelan government which was created from the fusion of pro-Bolivarian Revolution and pro-Chávez parties. The PSUV has used propaganda to influence support for the Bolivarian Revolution. According to the University of La Sabana, "since coming to power, the government of the Fifth Republic Movement (MVR), what is today the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), devoted the bulk of its energies to achieving three basic objectives with respect to communications, ... the erection of a single regulatory framework to govern all audiovisual and electronic media; the expansion of alternative-community media, as well as public, preceded by a strong economic investment in order to optimize the operation of these media devices through training, provision of equipment and infrastructure improvement, and the creation of independent bodies that centralize content control, access to grants and frequencies and management of training courses, among other issues".

The Commission of Propaganda, Agitation and Communication of the PSUV

On 27 August 2014, the first meeting of The Commission of Propaganda, Agitation and Communication of the PSUV was held. Head of the committee, Ernesto Villegas, stated that the committee recognized would continue communicating like "Commander Hugo Chávez, the great communicator, agitator and propagandist to remain so for indeed still with us and will remain, his message, his political doctrine which is the guide and permanent blaze that pushes us to move forward together to conquer this people building the Bolivarian Socialism". Villegas further explained that "the commission planned communication strategies that will be based on the policy guidelines issued by the PSUV". According to the PSUV, "members of the committee will hold regular and special meetings, in order to develop plans and carry out actions to defend the truth and block the war waged against the Bolivarian Revolution".

The National Commission of Propaganda, Agitation and Communication encourages people on the street to use their work and place propaganda in public spaces in order to counter "capitalist relations of exploitation and domination". Their website includes stencils for Venezuelans to spray paint propaganda graffiti. Ernesto Villegas said that, "We will go to each brigade, paintings and some elements for propaganda. For that we will we deploy on the street and has murals and presence of the voice of the Bolivarian Revolution telling the truth, carrying the memory, enthusiasm and optimism, additional information is necessary".

Media Bolivarian propaganda has been disseminated in Venezuela and the abroad. The Bolivarian Revolution is advertised through all outlets: TV, radio, Internet (with websites like the Venezuelan Solidarity Campaign), magazines (like Viva Venezuela), newspapers, murals, billboards, memorabilia (action figures, T-shirts, posters), schools (through the lesson plans and books), movies, symphonies (Orquesta Sinfónica Simón Bolívar), festivals, and public service vehicles (like buses and ambulances). In Venezuela, "Hugo Chávez is everywhere", along with images portraying similarities to Simón Bolívar; the typical images that accompany the pro-socialist messages are the red star, Che Guevara portraits, Simón Bolívar portraits, red barrettes, Venezuelan flags, "evil" Uncle Sam, Uncle Sam as a snake, and Chávez with the superman logo. Opposition candidate María Corina Machado "complained about what she called a government-orchestrated propaganda machine that churns out spots ridiculing Chávez's critics, runs talk shows dominated by ruling party hopefuls and picks up all of the president's speeches".

In 2007, the Ministry of Popular Power for Communication and Information stated: For the new strategic landscape that arises, the fight that falls in the ideological field has to do with a battle of ideas for the hearts and minds of people. We need to develop a new plan, and we are proposing is to the communicational and informational hegemony of the State ... Our socialism needs communicational hegemony ... all communications have to rely on the state as a public good.

Following this plan, the Venezuelan government shut down and limited private opposing media organizations, while expanding public propagandistic outlets, though it initially permitted Globovision in order to state that there was media plurality in the country. The Venezuelan government harassed Globovision with fines and rhetoric until its majority owner fled the country, closed dozens of radio stations and warned all media organizations into fear that if they criticized the government they could be shut down. By 2023, according to El País, Chavez's "communication hegemony" had been achieved with viewers without cable access limited to "high doses of chavista propaganda".

Writing in the 2020 The Sage Handbook of Propaganda, Daniel Aguirre and Caroline Ávila state that the "emergence of new media outlets that amplify the propaganda messaging that Chávez directly articulated and was later channeled by pro-government media" is covered in reports of the limitations of press freedom in Venezuela under chavismo; the authors mention Telesur, TVes, the "Aló Presidente" television show, cadenas overtaking air time, and a "combination of presidential actions, legislature and media harassment" such as the case of RCTV, under the Chavez and Maduro administrations that resulted in "populist communication" that was "biased and consequently akin to systemic propaganda".

Television and radio

Through the use of propaganda, Chávez continually verbalized his successes on television which resulted in a large popular base of support.Manwaring (2005), p. 12. Under Chávez, the number of state television channels grew from one to eight, with each channel constantly showing Chávez. What Chávez said "became de facto law" and since he was unpredictable and a great performer, suspense was built around his appearance on television.

Under Maduro, the government's "main weapon ... remains, state control of television, which repeats endlessly the risible claim that Venezuela is a victim of an economic war". However, unlike Chávez, Maduro lacks the same charisma that drew positive attention from the masses.

Cadenas