Simon Philip Van Patten (February 22, 1852 – September 20, 1918) was an American socialist political activist prominent during the latter half of the 1870s and the first half of the 1880s. Van Patten is best remembered for being named the first Corresponding Secretary of the Workingmen's Party of the United States in 1876 and for heading it and its successor organization, the Socialist Labor Party of America, for the next six years. In 1883 Van Patten mysteriously disappeared, with his friends reporting him as a potential suicide to law enforcement authorities. He later turned up as a government employee, however, having abandoned radical politics in favor of stable employment.
Biography
Early years
Simon Philip Van Patten was born February 22, 1852, in Georgetown, Washington, D.C., in the United States,Jerry W. Wilson, "Simon Philip Van Patten," Rootsweb at Ancestry.com/ the son of ethnic Dutch heritage."A Socialist Editor Missing: Fears that Philip Van Patten Has Committed Suicide," New York Times, April 23, 1883. One early socialist historian characterized Van Patten as "an American of good family, with an excellent education."Morris Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States. New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1903; pg. 239. According to U.S. Census data, his father was born in New York state and his mother in Pennsylvania. His father was a renowned naturalist who was a Dutch-speaking confidant of President Martin Van Buren. Philip Van Patten spent much of his childhood in Costa Rica.F.I. Hindmarsh & J. W.Wilson, Descendants of Claas Frederickse Van Petten and his Wife Aeffie Arentse Bradt 84 & 87 (~1996).
At the age of 21, Philip Van Patten rented a room without a bath or kitchen on the West Side of Chicago,Chicago City Directory 1873. and worked as an architectural draftsman downtown.Chicago City Directory 1873. In 1874 Van Patten's office was downtown on Randolph Street. Chicago City Directory 1874. He arrived as the boom of building construction necessitated by the great Chicago fire had gone bust due to a national financial crisis.Alfred T. Andreas, Vol. III History of Chicago 64 (1886). From 1875 through 1876, Van Patten supplemented his income by rendering buildings or drawing maps as an insurance surveyor.Chicago City Directory 1875; The Formation of the Workingmen's Party of the U.S.: Proceedings of the Union Congress Held at Philadelphia, July 19–22, 1876 (P. Foner, ed., 1976)
Political career
According to the recollection of pioneer Chicago Socialist George A. Schilling, Philip Van Patten seems to have become involved in the radical politics in about 1875, joining John McAuliffe and John Eckford as among the first group of English-speaking Socialists in that city.George A. Schilling, "History of the Labor Movement in Chicago," in Lucy Parsons (ed.), Life of Albert R. Parsons, with Brief History of the Labor Movement in America. Chicago: Lucy E. Parsons, 1889; pg. xv. Other leading English-speaking Chicago socialists in this period, who had organized themselves as part of the Social Democratic Party of North America (SDP), included Schilling himself, Thomas J. Morgan, John Paulson, and Albert R. Parsons. Of this group, Van Patten does not seem to have been a gifted orator, for Schilling recalls that "at this time A.R. Parsons and John McAuliffe were the only ones capable of expounding in public the principles of the party in the English language." The official organ of this group was a weekly newspaper published in New York City called The Socialist.
In July 1876 the SDP joined with trade union-oriented groups loyal to the First International at a Unity Congress to establish the Workingmen's Party of the United States. The name of The Socialist was changed to The Labor Standard and retained as the official English language voice of the organization,The German-language organs were the Vorbote from Chicago and the Sozial-Demokrat from New York. See: Selig Pearlman, "Upheaval and Reorganization," in John R. Commons, et al., History of Labour in the United States: Volume 2. New York: Macmillan, 1918; pg. 271. with a new editor named to take charge of the publication. Chicago was named as the seat of the Executive Committee of this new organization and it was this Chicago committee that named Philip Van Patten as the Corresponding Secretary of the new organization.Selig Pearlman, "Upheaval and Reorganization," in John R. Commons, et al., History of Labour in the United States. New York: Macmillan, 1918; pg. 271.
Chosen to be the Party's leader at the age of 24, Van Patten continued to lead the party until 1883. Van Patten attributed his own rise to Party leadership to "the difficulty in getting anyone who could write correct English," due to the fact that the party consisted largely of German immigrants.Letter from Van Patten to G. Schilling (Jan. 12, 1882), Schilling Papers, Illinois State Historical Library, quoted in Howard Quint, The Forging of American Socialism 19 (1953).
The railway strike of 1877
A great railroad strike erupted in the Eastern United States in 1877, spreading West to the working class center of Chicago, where it was conducted directly by the National Executive Committee of the NEC.Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pg. 224. Chief among the leaders of this Chicago organization were National Secretary Philip Van Patten, head of the Chicago City Committee, George A. Schilling, and English-language newspaper editor Albert R. Parsons.
The cause of this strike was a severe economic depression which had begun as the Panic of 1873 and which continued uninterrupted through 1877. One of the hardest-hit sectors of the American economy was the railroad industry, which had been the object of a speculative bubble of massive investment between 1867 and 1877.Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pg. 220. As one historian has observed, thousands of miles of costly railroads had been constructed in this period "on the mere expectation of the future development of the country, and without reference to the actual requirements of traffic." The so-called "Long Depression" of 1873 had seen a particularly severe contraction in the railroad sector, with wages of railroad workers slashed by an average of approximately 25 percent by 1877. In June 1877 another cut of 10 percent was announced by several major rail lines and strikes erupted in response.
On July 21 the Workingmen's Party held two giant mass meetings in support of the strikers — an outdoor meeting conducted in German and an indoor session at Stack's Hall in English.Aaron Brenner, Benjamin Day, and Immanuel Ness, The Encyclopedia of Strikes in American History. Armonk NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2009; pp. 187-188. At these sessions the Workingmen's Party called for the nationalization of the railroads and for the establishment of an 8-hour day throughout America.
A huge torchlight march took place the next night, attended by an estimated 15,000 Chicagoans. This rally marked the eve of the escalation of the strike, as on July 23 striking workers on the Michigan Central Railroad marched to the shops of the B & O and the Illinois Central to call out those workers to join the strike for higher wages. Machine shops, factories, and mills were swept up in the strike wave. Employers and law enforcement authorities launched an offensive of their own, bringing about the firing of Workingmen's Party leader Albert Parsons from his job as a printer, and breaking up a WP meeting attended by 5,000 striking workers, family members and sympathizers through the copious use of nightsticks.
Philip Van Patten was severely beaten during the strike, narrowly escaping serious or fatal injury.Harmut Keil, "The German Immigrant Working Class of Chicago, 1875-90: Workers, Labor Leaders, and the Labor Movement," in Dirk Hoerder (ed.), American Labor and Immigration History, 1877-1920s: Recent European Research. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983; pg. 161. Van Patten was arrested as a strike leader, taken to police headquarters, and threatened with hanging — as had been Parsons earlier in the day. Violence was indeed escalated on July 24, when police fired upon strikers at the railroad yards, killing 3 and wounding at least 8 others; they used their clubs again later in the day to break up a Workingmen's Party rally. Violence continued for the rest of the week, with a final death toll recorded of at least 18 workers in the successful crushing of the Chicago strike.
Chicago in the 1870s
The headquarters city of the Socialist Labor Party moved several times in its early years and Philip Van Patten followed it. The 1st National Congress of the organization, held in Newark, New Jersey, in December 1877, moved the NEC and party headquarters to Cincinnati, Ohio,Hillquit, History of Socialism in the United States, pg. 225. at the time the site of a large and active "Section" of the party.Philip Van Patten, "Report of the NEC to the 2nd National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party of America: Allegheny City, Pennsylvania — Dec. 26, 1879." Corvallis, Oregon: 1000 Flowers Publishing Co., 2011; pg. 2. Van Patten dutifully relocated there in mid-February 1878."The Socialistic Labor Party," Cincinnati Enquirer, vol. 36, no. 42 (Feb. 11, 1878), pg. 8.
By the time the NEC had established itself in that city in March 1878 factionalism and discouragement had largely disrupted the local organization, however, a situation exacerbated by the failure of the party's Cincinnati-based daily, the Ohio Volkszeitung, in September of that year. Even before the next convention of the SLP at the end of 1879, Secretary Van Patten and party headquarters had moved to Detroit, Michigan, with a new NEC elected by that thriving Section.
Controversy was soon to erupt, however, pitting the electoral politics-oriented Van Patten and the Detroit NEC against the radical activities of Section Chicago, who were sliding towards direct action and decentralization that were part of a growing anarchist ideology.
One unintended consequence resulting from the smashing of the 1877 Chicago railway strike with armed force was a radicalization of the labor movement in that city.Frederic Heath, Socialism in America (aka Social Democracy Red Book). Terre Haute, IN: Debs Publishing Co., 1900; pg. 34. As early as 1875 there had been established in Chicago a workers' militia known as the Lehr und Wehr Verein (Education and Defense Society) — a paramilitary organization which declared itself armed and ready to defend the working class against manifestations of state violence against striking workers and their political activities. These units of armed workmen drilled in public with rifles in hand, marching under the red flag, amidst public pronouncements that workers' militia groups would henceforth come to the aid of striking workers against the state militia in the event of a strike.Heath, Social Democracy Red Book, pp. 34-35.
By May and June 1878, the popular press was filled with sensational stories positing an armed insurrection to seize the state by these groups.Van Patten, "Report of the NEC to the 2nd National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party of America," pp. 11-12. Van Patten and the Detroit NEC of the SLP which he headed were outspoken opponents of the Lehr und Wehr Verein, instead advocating the use of electoral methods to win control of the state by the workers movement.Heath, Social Democracy Red Book, pg. 35. In response to the June 1878 press frenzy, Van Patten published a document "denying the false reports that our Sections were arming, and informing the public that our party, as a party, would not be responsible for any violations of law by its members."Van Patten, "Report of the NEC to the 2nd National Convention of the Socialist Labor Party of America," pg. 12.