Óspakr (died 1230), also known as Hákon, was a King of the Isles. He seems to have been a son of Dubgall mac Somairle, King of the Isles, and therefore a member of the Meic Dubgaill branch of the Meic Somairle kindred. Óspakr spent a considerable portion of his career in the Kingdom of Norway as a member of the Birkibeinar faction in the Civil war era in Norway. He seems to be identical to Óspakr suðreyski, a Birkibeinar who took part in the plundering of Hebrides and the sacking of Iona in 1209/1210. The context of this expedition is uncertain, although it may have been envisioned as a way of reasserting Norwegian royal authority into the Kingdom of the Isles.
In the decade following the ravaging of Iona, the Kingdom of the Isles was plagued by vicious conflict between two competing dynasts of the Crovan dynasty. Although one member of this kindred, Óláfr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles, overcame his main dynastic rival in 1229, he faced continued opposition from Alan fitz Roland, Lord of Galloway, and leading members of the Meic Somairle. As a consequence of this conflict, Óláfr fled to Norway in 1230, and Hákon Hákonarson, King of Norway authorised the preparation of a military campaign to restore order. The title of king was thereupon conferred upon Óspakr, as was the royal name Hákon, with Óspakr receiving command of a fleet take with him into the Isles. By May or June of that year, Óspakr's fleet reached the heart of the Hebrides where it is recorded to have swollen to eighty ships. The full brunt of Óspakr's forces were directed at Bute, where a stronghold—almost certainly Rothesay Castle—is reported to have fallen within a few days. Reports of a nearby fleet under Alan's command forced the Norwegians to withdraw from Bute, and Óspakr is reported to have died, apparently from injuries sustained during the sack of Bute. After Óspakr's death, the Norwegian enterprise was led by Óláfr who established himself on Mann. The following spring, with the Kingdom of the Isles partitioned between Óláfr and his rival nephew, Guðrøðr Rǫgnvaldsson, the Norwegians set sail for home, where Hákon thanked the returning warriors. About thirty years later, a certain Ruðri is recorded to have claimed Bute as his birthright and to have assisted Hákon in another Norwegian campaign in the Isles. One possibility is that Ruðri was a descendant of Óspakr.
Familial background
Óspakr seems to have been a member of the Meic Dubgaill branch of the Meic Somairle kindred. Specifically, Óspakr appears to have been a son of Dubgall mac Somairle, King of the Isles,Beuermann (2010) p. 107 n. 25; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 2; Power (2005) p. 33; Tabraham (2005) pp. 26, 30; Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; McDonald (1997) p. 257; Rixson (1982) p. 14 fig. 1; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 196–197. ancestor of the Meic Dubgaill.Beuermann (2010) p. 108 n. 28. The latter figure was a son of Somairle mac Gilla Brigte, King of the Isles,Beuermann (2010) p. 107 n. 25; McDonald (2007b) p. 27 tab. 2; Power (2005) p. 33; Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii; McDonald (1997) p. 257; Duncan; Brown (1956–1957) pp. 196–197. the common ancestor of the Meic Somairle.McDonald (2007b) p. 111; Broun (2005) p. 95; Woolf (2005). Óspakr's name—although Scandinavian—is not evidence against a familial connection with the Meic Somairle, as Somairle himself bore a Gaelicised form of a Scandinavian name.McDonald (1997) p. 89; Cowan (1990) p. 114. Nevertheless, there is also a possibility that Óspakr's name is a Scandinavianised form of the Gaelic .Beuermann (2010) p. 107, 107 n. 25; McDonald (2007b) p. 158 n. 69; Tabraham (2005) p. 26; Sellar (2000) p. 202; Fellows-Jensen (1998) p. 27; McDonald (1997) p. 89; Duncan (1996) p. 547; Fellows-Jensen (1993) p. 405; Oram (1988) p. 138; Barrow (1981) p. 110. Although the patronym—""—accorded to Óspakr by the thirteenth- to fourteenth-century Chronicle of Mann ostensibly identifies his father as a man named Ǫgmundr,Sellar (2000) p. 202; McDonald (1997) p. 89; Anderson (1922) p. 472, 472 n. 3; Munch; Goss (1874) pp. 92–93. the thirteenth-century Hákonar saga Hákonarsonar instead identifies Óspakr as a son of Dubgall mac Somairle.McDonald (1997) p. 89; Anderson (1922) pp. 464–465; Jónsson (1916) p. 555 ch. 165; Kjær (1910) p. 462 ch. 178/163; Dasent (1894) p. 150 ch. 163; Vigfusson (1887) p. 144 ch. 163; Unger (1871) p. 476 ch. 169; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 100 ch. 136. If the latter source is indeed correct, one possibility is that the patronym recorded by the Chronicle of Mann refers to a foster father rather than a biological father.Sellar (2000) p. 202. On the other hand, there is reason to suspect that Óspakr's patronym indeed refers to a biological ancestor.Barrow (1981) p. 110. For example, the patronym accorded to Somairle by the fifteenth- to sixteenth-century Annals of Ulster—""—refers Somairle's grandfather, Gilla Adamnáin, instead of Somairle's father, Gilla Brigte.The Annals of Ulster (2017) § 1164.4; The Annals of Ulster (2008) § 1164.4; Woolf (2005); Barrow (1981) p. 108 n. 2; Sellar (1966) p. 129. The fact that Somairle is accorded a patronym referring to his lineage rather than his parentage could indicate that Óspakr's patronym is a Scandinavianised form of the same lineage name.
Plunderer of Iona
Óspakr seems to be identical to Óspakr suðreyski, a like-named member of an invading Norwegian force that plundered Iona in 1210.Oram (2013) ch. 4; Beuermann (2010) p. 107 n. 25; Power (2005) pp. 39, 44; McGrail (1995) p. 39. According to the Icelandic annals, a military expedition from Norway into the Isles had been under preparation in 1209. The following year, this source makes note of "warfare" in the Isles, and reveals that Iona was pillaged.McDonald (2012) p. 163; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Oram (2005) p. 8; Power (2005) p. 38; Oram (2000) p. 115; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143; Storm (1977) p. 123; Anderson (1922) pp. 378, 381–382; Vigfusson (1878) pp. 366–367; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 523. These reports are corroborated by the thirteenth-century Bǫglunga sǫgur, a saga-collection that survives in two versions. Both versions reveal that a fleet of Norwegians plundered in the Isles, and the shorter version notes how men of the Birkibeinar and the Baglar—two competing sides of the Norwegian civil war—decided to recoup their financial losses with a twelve-ship raiding expedition into the Isles. This particular version of the saga names Óspakr suðreyski as one of the three Birkibeinar leaders of the expedition.Michaelsson (2015) p. 30 ch. 17; Beuermann (2012) pp. 1, 7; McDonald (2012) p. 163; Oram (2013) ch. 4; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) p. 133; Oram (2005) p. 8; Power (2005) p. 38; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Argyll: An Inventory of the Monuments (1982) p. 143; Oram (2000) p. 115; Anderson (1922) pp. 378–381, 379 n. 2; Jónsson (1916) p. 468 ch. 18; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 192–195.
One possibility is that this operation was organised in the context of the Norwegian Crown reasserting royal authority in the Isles.Beuermann (2011) p. 125; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–144; McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–137; Johnsen (1969) p. 33. For example, the longer version of the saga relates that a fleet of Norwegians made landfall in Shetland and Orkney, whereupon Bjarni Kolbeinsson, Bishop of Orkney, and the two co-earls of Orkney—Jón Haraldsson and Davið Haraldsson—were compelled to journey to Norway and submit to Ingi Bárðarson, King of Norway, rendering him hostages and a large fine.Crawford (2014) pp. 72–73; Beuermann (2012) p. 8; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143; McDonald (2007b) pp. 133–134; Oram (2005) p. 8; Williams (1997) p. 114; Anderson (1922) pp. 380–381; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 192–195. The same source further reveals that as a consequence of the Norwegian plundering in the Isles, two members of the ruling Crovan dynasty—Rǫgnvaldr Guðrøðarson, King of the Isles and his son Guðrøðr—also travelled to Norway, where they swore obedience to Ingi, paid him a tax, and took their lands from him as a (fief).Crawford (2014) pp. 72–73; Beuermann (2012) p. 7; McDonald (2012) p. 163; Beuermann (2011) p. 125; Beuermann (2010) pp. 106–107, 106 n. 19; McDonald (2008) pp. 142–143, 143 n. 63; McDonald (2007b) p. 134; Brown (2004) p. 74; Williams (1997) pp. 114–115; Johnsen (1969) p. 23, 23 n. 3; Anderson (1922) p. 381, 381 nn. 1–2; Fornmanna Sögur (1835) pp. 194–195. The submission of the Islesmen seems to have been undertaken at about the time of a reawakening of Norwegian royal authority following the settlement between the opposing Birkibeinar and Baglar factions.Beuermann (2010) p. 106; McDonald (2008) p. 142; McDonald (2007b) pp. 134–135. There is reason to suspect that the destructive Norwegian activity in the Isles may have been some sort of officially sanctioned punishment in response to not only Rǫgnvaldr's recalcitrance of his Norwegian obligations, but his recent reorientation towards the English Crown.McDonald (2007b) p. 135. In any case, the fact that Ingi turned his attention to the Isles so soon after peace was brokered between the Birkibeinar and Baglar may well indicate the importance he placed on his relations with his contemporaries in the Isles.Beuermann (2011) p. 125.
Within the same year of the attack, the Icelandic annals state that a certain Koli was consecrated Bishop of the Isles.Beuermann (2012) p. 7; Woolf (2003) p. 177; Beuermann (2002) p. 420 n. 6; Anderson (1922) pp. 381–382; Storm (1977) p. 123 § iv; Vigfusson (1878) pp. 366–367; Flateyjarbok (1868) p. 523. This record could reveal that Koli's consecration was somehow related to the Norwegian expedition of 1209/1210,Beuermann (2012) pp. 7–8; Anderson (1922) pp. 381–382 n. 4. and that—just as the Orcadian earls were accompanied to Norway by their bishop—Rǫgnvaldr and Guðrøðr may have been accompanied by Koli.Beuermann (2012) pp. 7–8. The Norwegian undertaking, therefore, may have been designed to reassert Norwegian overlordship over both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Norwegian satellites overseas. If correct, the voyage would seem to have been orchestrated by both Ingi and his chief prelate, Þórir Guðmundarson, Archbishop of Niðaróss. Although the leadership of the Meic Somairle had controversially refounded Iona at the turn of the century, and had further secured its independence from the Diocese of the Isles by placing it under the protection of the papacy, the Norwegian sack of the island may not have been a sanctioned act. One possibility is that a visit to the island by the Norwegian delegation disastrously deteriorated into otherwise unplanned violence.Beuermann (2012).
King of the Isles