De falsis diis, or, in Classical Latin spelling, De falsis deis ('on false gods'), is an Old English homily composed by Ælfric of Eynsham in the late tenth or early eleventh century. The sermon is noted for its attempt to explain beliefs in traditional Anglo-Saxon and Norse gods within a Christian framework through Euhemerisation. The homily was subsequently adapted and circulated by Wulfstan II, Archbishop of York, and also translated into Old Norse under the title ''Um þat hvaðan ótrú hófsk'' ('how false belief began').
The spelling De falsis diis tends to be used of Ælfric's text, and De falsis deis of Wulfstan's.
Ælfric's version Ælfric's sermon was based to a large degree on the sixth-century sermon De correctione rusticorum by Martin of Braga.Michael Fox, 'Vercelli Homilies XIX-XXI, the Ascension Day Homily in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 162, and the Catechatical Tradition from Augustine to Wulfstan', in New Readings in the Vercelli Book, ed. by Samantha Zacher and Andy Orchard (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), pp. 254-79 (p. 268). At least seven Anglo-Saxon manuscripts contain parts of the sermon, the most complete being Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 178. The following summary is based on that of Arnold Taylor,Arnold R. Taylor, 'Hauksbok and Ælfric's De Falsis Diis', Leeds Studies in English, n.s. 3 (1969), 101-09. and the line numbers refer to the edition by John C. Pope.Homilies of Ælfric: a supplementary collection, being twenty-one full homilies of his middle and later career for the most part not previously edited with some shorter pieces mainly passages added to the second and third series, ed. by John C. Pope, Early English Text Society, o.s. 259-260, 2 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1967-68). +linestopic1–10The opening address10–27The Nature of the Godhead and the Trinity28–55Adam and Eve in Paradise and its loss56–58The Fading of the Sun and Moon59–71Recovery of the Sun and Moon after Judgment Day72–73The Flood74–77The Tower of Babel78–103The worship of False Gods104–140Saturn and his Offspring141–149Disputing the 'pagan error' that Jove/Þórr was the son of Mercury/Oðinn150–165Venus and Incest166–180The Days of the Week181–189The Planets190–209The Making of Idols210–216Wars between the Philistines and Israelites217–220The Contents of the Ark221–239The Fall of Dagon240–251The Plague of Mice252–281The Travels of the Ark282–291God once more supports the Israelites292–299The Burning Fiery Furnace300–313Darius and Daniel314–322Darius' Grief323–349Daniel released from the Lions' Den350–358Daniel and Cyrus359–369Daniel and the Worship of Bel370–386Daniel's Altercation with the King387–431The Justification of Daniel432–456The Destruction of the Dragon457–463Daniel once more in the Lions' Den464–483Daniel is fed by Habakkuk484–493The King frees Daniel and praises God494–499Comments on the False Gods500–675Christ's coming in the sixth age of the world how the idol of Serpis was overthrown in Alexandria
how Gregory the thaumaturgist proved the Christian God greater than Apollo
Wulfstan's adaptation
Wulfstan II, Archbishop of York, adapted Ælfric's homily to how own style (as he did with a number of Ælfric's works). Wulfstan's version is also known as De falsis deis, as well as Homily XII. What made Wulfstan's approach unique was his calculated use of poetic devices and rhetorical style. A single manuscript copy survives in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, in the homiliary (collection of sermons) MS Hatton 113.Marsden, 23, article on the homily
Influence
There is evidence indicating that Wulfstan's homilies, such as De falsis deis, were copied at Winchester, Canterbury, Exeter, West Midlands and an unidentified library somewhere in the southeast.Wilcox 203-4 This suggests that during Wulfstan's own lifetime, and shortly afterwards, his manuscripts were influential enough to merit the labor-intensive process of copying them by hand. There were several major churches/libraries copying his works, proving that Wulfstan's works were not just popular in one centralized location, rather they were spread to many major cultural centers of England. Another impressive fact is that many later homilists continued to copy segments of Wulfstan's homilies into their own works. This was still happening even two centuries after Wulfstan had written them, which "suggests either that particular kudos attached to echoing the wording of Archbishop Wulfstan or that subsequent compilers recognized the stylistic power of Wulfstan's work".Wilcox 216 The fact that Wulfstan's manuscripts were distributed so widely and were so frequently used in later works points to the significance of his message.
Themes
Though the church was always working towards the destruction of heathen practices, "change came about under varying conditions and with differing success" as people were not willing to quickly abandon the customs and traditions their people had had for generations.Stanley 14 Evidence of this is the fact that Wolfstan's De falsis deis was based on Ælfric's De falsis diis, as was a later Icelandic homily called Um þat hvaðan ótrú hófst. Each of these homilies can, in turn, be traced back to Bishop Martin of Braga's De correctione rusticorum. This evidence, in addition to each author's perceived need to write a new homily, lead North to theorize "that the animism which Martin describes was widespread and long-lasting".North 205-6 "Animism" is the worship of natural elements, which is particularly evident in De falsis deis in lines 13 through 18 when Wulfstan tells of that people believed the sun, the moon, stars, fire, water and earth were all gods. He then takes this a step further and also equates these beliefs with the teachings of the devil.
Similarly, the teachings of the devil are also said to apply to other deities revered by non-Christians, such as in lines 28–29 when Wulfstan describes how people worshipped "world-men" who then became powerful as a result. Another technique involved here is that of euhemerization, when ordinary people attain a god-like status. This is an important point for Wulfstan to make in order to convince non-Christians of the error of their ways; their deities could simply be explained away as deceitful humans. In this way, according to North, "…Wulfstan shows non-Christian beliefs to be a disorderly heap of abuses bereft of any intelligible form or purpose" (207). As for the "teachings of the devil" repeatedly referenced by Wulfstan, David Johnson points out that "when it comes to such euhemeristic discussions of the pagan deities, the concept of demonisation is almost always involved as well".Hofstra 37
Perhaps it is not so surprising that a homilist such as Wulfstan would try to demonize, or humanize, the deities of a culture they were trying to convert. After all, the Anglo-Saxons had only been converted a few hundred years beforehand, and "thousands of pagan Scandinavians had invaded and then stayed to settle in England".Hofstra 47 The evidence of England's pagan roots was painfully evident in many places, from folklore to place names and practices. According to very comprehensive lists compiled by Wilson, there are twelve major place-names involving Odin, eight with Thor and three with Tiw in England that still exist to this day (11–12). If these names have been retained to the present day, one can only imagine the prevalence of pagan gods' names used to name places in Wulfstan's time. Ælfric's "De falsis diis," upon which Wulfstan's homily was based, also goes into some detail about the origins of the days of the week. These, too, derive names from pagan origins, such as the Danish goddess Fricg being used for "Friday".Hofstra 52 Finally, Ælfric also specified in one of his works that "the singing of heathen songs at a funeral is forbidden," indicating the prevalence of Scandinavian pagan traditions into a Christian era.Wilson 179 Though Ælfric and Wulfstan both make many references to Roman gods, both take care to connect them with their Scandinavian counterparts. However, both Wulfstan and Ælfric use an anglicized form of Old Norse Óðinn (Óðan and Oðon, respectively) rather than the Anglo-Saxon form Wóden. This could indicate two interesting points: one, that they were unwilling to associate their ancestors with heathens like the Danes, or two, that they were refraining from informing readers that Óðan/Oðon was the same figure from whom nobility and royalty of their time claimed lineage.North 82
Style Wulfstan's homilies were intended not to be read, but for public delivery. This necessitated many devices for clarity, "…notably a rephrasing of expressions which might be misunderstood, introduced by þæt is".Bethurum 230 One such rephrasing appears at lines 74–75 (An is ælmihtig God on þrym hadum, þæt is fæder and suna and halig gast) when he tries to explain the holy trinity, a concept that might confuse lay-people. Another notable feature of Wulfstan's work is the large number of intensifying words...such as æfre, swyðe ealles to swyðe, georne, mid rihte, ofer ealle oðre þing, swyðe georne, oft and gelome, wide, witode.Betherum 231 While several of these examples are present within De falsis deis, one marker, swyðe, was particularly evident, showing up in lines 2 (twice), 37, 38, 41, 53, 66 and 73. Rhyme can also be found within De falsis deis at line 47 when it lists and saca and wraca. There are also an abundance of instances in which Wulfstan used alliteration, such as line 29 (woruldmen þe mihtige wurdan on woruldafelum") and line 42 ("se sunu wæs swaþeah swyðor). Alliteration and rhyme were prevalent in many works of Wulfstan's time, and Betherum points out that "alliterative and rhyming pairs of words…became so ingrained that when [Wulfstan] rewrote another person's composition…the substitution of two words for one is almost invariable" (232). Other elements indicative of Wulfstan's style include word or sentence parallelism, alliteration and rhyme. Sentence parallelism occurs in lines 9, 12, 14, 42, 56 and 64 with the expression þurh deofles lare. Repetition of such a phrase indicates its importance to listeners, who will then be more likely to remember these points. A great example of word parallelism can be found in line 25, mid muðe and mid modes. In short, Bethurum was quite accurate when she stated that Wulfstan "did not rely upon the inspiration of the moment; his effects are carefully planned" (233).
Certainly Wulfstan must have been a very talented writer, gaining a reputation of eloquence while he still lived in London.Bethurum, 58 In a letter to him, "the writer asks to be excused from translating something Wulfstan had asked him to render into English and pleads as an excuse his lack of ability in comparison with the bishop's skill" (58). Similarly, "[o]ne early student of Wulfstan, Einenkel, and his latest editor, Jost, agree in thinking he wrote verse and not prose".Continuations, 229 This suggests Wulfstan's writing is not only eloquent, but poetic, and among many of his rhetorical devices, another is marked rhythm (229). Taking a look at Wulfstan's actual manuscripts, presented by Volume 17 of Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile, it becomes apparent that his writing was exceptionally neat and well-structured – even his notes in the margins are well-organized and tidy, and his handwriting itself is ornate but readable.