The National Socialist Party (formally Nationalist-Socialist Party of Romania; Romanian: Partidul Național-Socialist din România, PNSR)Ileana-Stanca Desa, Elena Ioana Mălușanu, Cornelia Luminița Radu, Iuliana Sulică, Publicațiile periodice românești (ziare, gazete, reviste). Vol. V: Catalog alfabetic 1930–1935, p. 307. Bucharest: Editura Academiei, 2009. or Steel Shield (Pavăza de Oțel) was a mimetic Nazi political party, active in Romania during the early 1930s. It was led by Colonel Ștefan Tătărescu, the brother of Gheorghe Tătărescu (twice Prime Minister of Romania during that interval), and existed around the newspaper Crez Nou. One of several far-right factions competing unsuccessfully against the Iron Guard for support, the group made little headway, and existed at times as a satellite of the National-Christian Defense League.

The PNSR proposed a program of corporatism and statism, promising a basic income, full employment, and limits on capitalist profits. It was anticommunist generally, and in particular anti-Soviet, circulating the theory of Jewish Bolshevism while describing its own program as the alternative, "positive", socialism. The party also claimed for itself the banner of Christianity, which it associated with calls for social reorganization and the expulsion or segregation of Romanian Jews. Its Germanophilia and antisemitism were supplemented by shows of support for the policies of King Carol II.

The PNSR's ideological stance, exotic in its Romanian context, found favor in Nazi Germany, notably from Alfred Rosenberg. Overall, the PNSR failed in its bid to establish a pan-fascist alliance in Romania, and, despite being nativist, functioned as a magnet for Transylvanian Saxons, Bessarabia Germans, and Russian émigrés. Tătărescu was received officially by his German patrons, who also provided the PNSR with funds, but eventually dropped by them for his unpopularity and alleged corruption. In late 1933, under the antifascist Prime Minister Ion G. Duca, the party was repressed.

Tătărescu exercised some influence over his brother's government in 1934, helping to steer the country away from its traditional alliances, but failed in his attempt to obtain arms deals for Germany. Disavowed by both its Nazi backers and Gheorghe Tătărescu, the party moderated its stances, then disappeared from the political scene in July 1934. In 1935, it was succeeded by the Numerus Valachicus National Movement, which existed briefly as part of an electoral cartel with the Romanian Front. Later that decade, the Colonel was involved with the Nationalist Soldiers' Front, which borrowed the PNSR's symbols. The PNSR Saxon chapter, under Fritz Fabritius, reemerged as the German People's Party in 1935.

History

Creation Tătărescu, a retired colonel of the Romanian Air Force, former military attache to Berlin,Henri, p. 161 and author of patriotic plays, had made his start in politics with the left-wing Peasants' Party. "Frații Tătărescu", in Gorjeanul, April 24, 2012 C. Candea, of the left-wing daily Adevărul, noted that his status as an aviator transferred into his civilian life: "since he has been cruising virtually all of the county's parties."C. Candea, "Noui agitații hitleriste în Basarabia. Cum a fost provocată populația din Tighina.—Un supus geman care face politică în România", in Adevărul, July 2, 1933, p. 2 He first explored the idea of creating a Romanian version of the German Nazi Party (NSDAP) during early 1932, but his interest in fascism dated back to at least 1928.Heinen, pp. 173, 217 In August of that year, he set up his own "League of National Defense" (Liga Apărarea Națională, LAN),"Tatarescu képviselő úr 'Nemzetvédelmi Ligát' alakított. Megalakíthatná a 'Sikkasztások és Visszaélések leküzdésére Szervezkedő Ligát' is", in Brassói Lapok, August 29, 1928, p. 5 afterward serving as its president. The LAN promised "military training to youths aged 12–19", in particular against chemical warfare. More controversially, it promised to colonize Romanians on all of Greater Romania's borders, to reduce the presence of minorities, specifically including Hungarians, in those strategic areas.

The Colonel became an affiliate of the mainstream National Liberal Party (PNL), which was also where his brother Gheorghe made his political career. In May 1930, he was organizing the PNL columns at the general congress held in Schiesstadt Park, Bucharest."Inchiderea congresului liberal. Întrunirea", in Cuvântul, May 6, 1930, p. 3 He left that party in June, to join the right-wing-dissident Georgist Liberals, who supported the political program of Romanian King Carol II. In his speeches of the period, the Colonel criticized the PNL for having failed to recognize Carol's legitimacy, and supported the Georgist promise of a "clampdown on anarchy"."Intrunirea liberală georgistă din culoarea de Negru", in Adevărul, January 13, 1931, p. 3 He took part in the party's Ploiești congress, Constantin Dobrescu, Un primar uitat: Gogu C. Fotescu, Gazetaph.ro, January 29, 2016 and became one of the leaders of the Georgist section in Putna County.Ionuț Iliescu, "Aspecte privind activitatea Organizaţiei Județene Putna a Partidului Naţional-Liberal (Gheorghe Brătianu) între anii 1930–1938", in Cronica Vrancei, Vol. XVII, 2013, pp. 157–158 Serving in the Senate after the June 1931 election, he issued calls against the price gouging of bread."Buletinul Senatului. Ședința de după amiază", in Adevărul, July 16, 1931, p. 3

Whilst the National-Christian Defense League (LANC) had developed a direct relationship with Nazi agents, the formation of a specific Nazi party in Romania soon followed.Heinen, pp. 229–230; Payne, p. 282; Veiga, p. 254 This was consecrated on March 25, 1932, with the publication of leaflet called "Program of the Romanian National-Socialists"—unsigned, but attributed to Col. Tătărescu. It urged for modifying the 1923 Constitution to enshrine "the absolute power of the Romanian people, namely those of Romanian blood".Panu, p. 75 Demanding Jewish quotas and nationalization, it allowed non-Romanian Christians their civil rights, except for holding political office, and proposed corporatism instead of the parliamentary regime.Panu, pp. 75–76 Tătărescu's group was additionally monarchist, expressing strong support for Carol II. As noted by historian Francisco Veiga, this was the "only concession to Romanianness" of an otherwise mimetic party, reflected in its choice of a party logo: an eagle adapted from Nazi symbolism, clutching the swastika, but donning the Steel Crown of Romania. The leaflet itself was headlined by the Nazi flag, defaced with the slogan România Românilor ("Romania for the Romanians"). The PNSR emerged around Tătărescu's weekly, Crez Nou ("New Credo"), which closely emulated German political newspapers and only ran 500 copies per issue.Heinen, p. 230 It shared title with a propaganda book, in which Tătărescu outlined his Nazi plan for Romania.

At this stage, the Colonel denied that the PNSR was connected with either the "Hitlerite National-Socialist movement" or the National Fascist Party in Italy, or that it supported dictatorship and racism in any form—he only acknowledged that the Romanian, German and Italian groups were similar in their geopolitical outlook and their anticommunism. He presented "Romanian National-Socialism" as a spontaneous "reaction of the people" against the Soviet Union, which was encroaching on Greater Romania's territory by demanding the cession of Bessarabia.Rep., "Ideologia unui nou partid. Ce ne spune d. Ștefan Tătărescu", in Adevărul, May 25, 1932, p. 3 In his interpretation, the communist danger was fed by the "terrible economic dictatorship" of Soviet industrialization, whereas Romania was economically mismanaged and painfully affected by the Great Depression. He argued that the "new redeeming ideology" of dirigisme would close the divide, by remaking Romania into a "productive country, with zero unemployment".

The party headquarters were located at Precupeții Vechi Street 1,"Doi naziști sadea, șefi de organizații tătăresciene. Ștefan Tătărăscu și T. Vlădescu", in Dreptatea, March 29, 1946, p. 3 in Bucharest's Obor neighborhood. In June 1932, Tătărescu was touring the country and establishing the first PNSR branches in Transylvania. Networking with nationalist groups in Western Moldavia, he obtained the allegiance of Toma Popescu Berca, M.D., who set up a PNSR Legion at Iași, and Georgel G. Ioanescu of Dorohoi County; Ioanescu was recruited alongside a "sizable group of friends", all of whom had previously served the governing National Peasants' Party (PNȚ)."Campania electorală. Dela partidul național-socialist", in Curentul, June 30, 1932, p. 7 At that stage, the PNSR's "somewhat important members" included Theodor M. Vlădescu, Nicolae Bogdan, and a former Romanian Police Commissioner, Constantin Botez Voinea; shoemaker Ion R. Petringenaru Moțu was described by the Zionist paper Új Kelet as "one of the pillars of this faction".H. E., "Bukarest utcáin feltűntek a barnainges, oldalszijjas vasgárdisták, akik katonailag megszervezve garázdálkodnak és fajgyűlöletre uszítanak. A trió", in Új Kelet, June 26, 1932, p. 2 Joining them was a journalist, Marcel Bibiri Sturia, previously known for his anti-Germanism, publicized through his booklets—Creșterea influenței economice germane în România ("Growth of the German Economic Influence in Romania", 1915)Nicolae Iorga, "Dărĭ de seamă", in Revista Istorică, Vol. I, Issues 9–10, September–October 1915, p. 196 and Germania în România ("Germany in Romania", 1916).Lucian Boia, "Germanofilii". Elita intelectuală românească în anii Primului Război Mondial, p. 95. Bucharest: Humanitas, 2010.

1932 election and first congresses Tătărescu's party was only a minor contestant in the July 1932 election. Initially, it drafted on its own electoral lists, on which it used a horizontal tetragram icon (𝌆)."Haosul electoral", in Realitatea Ilustrată, Issue 285, July 1932, p. 28 At that stage, it was approached by the PNȚ with an offer to share lists "in those counties where [the PNSR] is more fully organized." Tătărescu rejected the offer, announcing that "the rise of the national-socialist current" was too significant to warrant any alliance with a mainstream group."Viața politică. Inflație de demnitari. Pregătirea campaniei electorale", in Dimineața, June 13, 1932, p. 4 It then formed a cartel with the LANC, running under its swastika logo;Caton, "Campania electorală. In celelalte cluburi", in Adevărul, June 23, 1932, p. 3 under the terms of this agreement, Tătărescu and Bibiri Sturia headlined the candidates' lists in Cetatea Albă and Tighina Counties, respectively."Campania electorală. Dela cartelul Cuza–Tătărescu", in Curentul, July 7, 1932, p. 7"Cum au ieşit național-socialiștii din alegeri", in Curentul, July 21, 1932, p. 7 Tătărescu was additionally second on the LANC list in Ilfov County, immediately after League chairman A. C. Cuza."Campania electorală. Noui liste electorale depuse", in Cuvântul, July 3, 1932, p. 7 The LANC also allowed Petringenaru Moțu to be the alliance candidate in Bihor. His activity became a focus of national news after it was discovered that he was campaigning among the Romanian Jews of Săcueni, promising them that voting for the PNSR would protect them from antisemitic persecution."'Înfrățirea' cuziștilor cu evreii... sau ce nu face un candidat pentru un vot", in Cuvântul, July 16, 1932, p. 6