Jerusalem during the Second Temple period describes the history of the city during the existence there of the Second Temple, from the return to Zion under Cyrus the Great () to the siege and destruction of the city by Titus during the First Jewish–Roman War in 70 CE.The Second Temple period in Jerusalem is typically defined as the period between the return to Zion and the destruction of the second Temple in 70 CE, although some extend it a further 65 years until the end of the Bar Kokhba revolt. During this period, which saw the region and city change hands several times, Jerusalem was the center of religious life for all Jews; even those who lived in the diaspora prayed towards Jerusalem on a daily basis and went there on pilgrimage during three annual religious festivals. Under Hasmonean and Herodian rule, Jerusalem served as a royal capital and the seat of all major national institutions.: "Jerusalem's enhanced stature in the Second Temple period was the result of both internal and external developments, and its international recognition as a temple-city from the Persian era onward accorded the city a distinguished position in Jewish and non-Jewish eyes alike. As the capital of an extensive kingdom under the Hasmoneans and Herod, Jerusalem became the seat of all major national institutions - political, social, and religious - as well as the home of important priestly and aristocratic families and a variety of religious sects. [...] Jerusalem's renown spread throughout the Roman world as ever-increasing numbers of pilgrims visited the city." In Jerusalem, the Pharisees of Second Temple Judaism developed into the Tannaim and Judaism's post-Exilic religious identity as it continues today,Brueggemann (2002), pp. 11–12. and the Hebrew Bible was perhaps canonized, although exactly when this occurred remains disputed. It was also in Jerusalem during the later stages of this period that Christianity was born.
The 600 years of the Second Temple period can be divided into several periods, each with its own distinct political and social characteristics. The physical development of the city was greatly affected by the changing characteristics of each era, while at the same time influencing these periods themselves. The city's population was characterized by social stratification, both economic and religious, which grew more pronounced over the years. There existed in the city, for example, a clear distinction between a rich and cosmopolitan elite and the wider, more conservative population. Social strata also encompassed different religious outlooks, each with its different emphasis: some reliant on the Temple priests, while the majority were led by traditional non-priestly families, emphasizing Torah study and the development of law over the formal hierarchy established in the Temple.
Persian period (539–332 BCE)
At the time of the return to Zion from the Babylonian captivity, Jerusalem was very small and materially rather poor. Its walls were derelict and a modest shrine now stood at the site of Solomon's once grand Temple. The city, nevertheless, enjoyed a vibrant and flourishing religious life. It was at this time that the first Mishnas were written up and both the Bible and the Halakha began to take their modern form. The same time witnessed the emergence of a dominant priestly class, a cosmopolitan elite receptive to foreign influences.
Compared to the late First Temple period, the territory of Jerusalem during the Persian period was significantly smaller, as it had shrunk to its pre-eighth century BCE size. The population of the city's inhabited areas—the City of David and the Temple Mount—was roughly 1500. In addition to the nearby fields and unwalled settlements, Jerusalem had a population of about 3000 people.
Political state
During the Babylonian period the centre of Judah had shifted northward to Benjamin; this region, once a part of the kingdom of Israel, was far more densely populated than Judah itself, and now held both the administrative capital, Mizpah, and the major religious centre at Bethel.Philip R. Davies, "The Origin of Biblical Israel" Mizpah continued as the provincial capital for over a century. The position of Jerusalem before the administration moved back from Mizpah is not clear, but from 445 BCE onwards it was once more the main city of Yehud, with walls, a temple (the Second Temple) and other facilities needed to function as a provincial capital, including, from 420 BCE, a local mint striking silver coins.Izaak J. de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah, pp.135-6
The Persians may have experimented at first with ruling Yehud as a client kingdom under descendants of Jehoiachin, who had kept his royal status even in captivity.Herbert Niehr, "Religio-Historical Aspects of the Early Post-Exilic Period", in Bob Becking, Marjo Christina Annette Korpel (eds), The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic & Post-Exilic Times (Brill, 1999) pp.229-30 Sheshbazzar, the governor of Yehud appointed by Cyrus in 538, was of Davidic origin, as was his successor (and probable nephew) Zerubbabel; Zerubbabel in turn was succeeded by his second son and then by his son-in-law, all of them hereditary Davidic governors of Yehud, a state of affairs that ended only around 500 BCE.Herbert Niehr, "Religio-Historical Aspects of the Early Post-Exilic Period", in Bob Becking, Marjo Christina Annette Korpel (eds), The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic & Post-Exilic Times (Brill, 1999)pp.229–231 This hypothesis—that Zerubbabel and his immediate successors represented a restoration of the Davidic kingdom under Persian overlordship—cannot be verified, but it would be in keeping with Persian policy in other parts of the Persian Empire, such as Phoenicia.Herbert Niehr, "Religio-Historical Aspects of the Early Post-Exilic Period", in Bob Becking, Marjo Christina Annette Korpel (eds), The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in Exilic & Post-Exilic Times (Brill, 1999)p.231
The second and third pillars of the early period of Persian rule in Yehud were the institutions of High Priest and Prophet, preserved in the Hebrew Bible in the histories of Ezra–Nehemiah and the Books of Chronicles as well as the books of the prophets Zechariah, Haggai and Malachi. But by the mid-5th century BCE the prophets and Davidic kings had disappeared, leaving only the High Priest.Lee I. Levine, Jerusalem: Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.–70 C.E.) p.42 The practical result was that after c.500 BCE Yehud became in practice a theocracy, ruled by a line of hereditary High Priests.Stephen M. Wylen, The Jews in the Time of Jesus: An Introduction, p.25 Alongside the High Priest was the Persian governor, apparently usually a local, charged primarily with keeping order and seeing that tribute was paid. He would have been assisted by various officials and a body of scribes, but there is no evidence that a popular assembly existed, and he would have had little discretion over his core duties.Lester L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, Volume 1, p.154–55 Evidence from seals and coins suggests that most, if not all, of the governors of Persian Yehud were Jewish, a situation which conforms with the general Persian practice of governing through local leaders.Lee I. Levine, Jerusalem: Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.–70 C.E.) p.34
Social and religious state Judah during the 9th and 8th centuries BCE was basically polytheistic, with Yahweh operating as a national god in the same way that surrounding nations each had their own national gods.Lester L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, vol.1 (T&T Clark International, 2004), pp.240-244 The Exile allowed the worship of "Yahweh-alone" to emerge as the dominant theology of Yehud,Christopher B. Hayes, "Religio-historical Approaches: Monotheism, Morality and Method", in David L. Petersen, Joel M. LeMon, Kent Harold Richards (eds), Method Matters: Essays on the Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Honor of David L. Petersen, pp.178–181 while the "sons of Yahweh" of the old pantheon evolved into angels and demons in a process that continued into the Hellenistic age.
Possibly the single most important development in the post-Exilic period was the promotion and eventual dominance of the idea and practice of Jewish exclusivity, the idea that the Jews, meaning followers of the god of Israel and of the law of Moses, were, or should be, a race apart from all others. This was a new idea, originating with the party of the golah, those who returned from the Babylonian exile;Levine, Lee I., Jerusalem: Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.–70 C.E.) (Jewish Publication Society, 2002) p.37 behind the biblical narrative of Nehemiah and Ezra lies the fact that relations with the Samaritans and other neighbours were in fact close and cordial: comparison between Ezra–Nehemiah and the Books of Chronicles bears this out: Chronicles opens participation in Yahweh-worship to all twelve tribes and even to foreigners, but for Ezra–Nehemiah "Israel" means Judah and Benjamin alone, plus the holy tribe of Levi.Steven L. McKenzie, Matt Patrick Graham, The Hebrew Bible Today: An Introduction to Critical Issues (Westminster John Knox Press, 1998) p.204
Urban landscape Persian-era Jerusalem was very small: about 1,500 inhabitants, even as low as 500 according to some estimates. Archaeologist Magen Broshi estimated the population of Jerusalem around 333 BCE at 4,500 people, compared to 25,000 under King Hezekiah in the late 8th century BCE. During the Persian period, Jerusalem was the only true urban site in Yehud, the bulk of the province's population living in small unwalled villages. This picture did not much change throughout the entire Persian period, the entire population of the province remaining around 30,000. There is no sign in the archaeological record of massive inwards migration from Babylon.Lester L. Grabbe, A History of the Jews and Judaism in the Second Temple Period, Volume 1, p.30 The urban area did not include the western hill (containing the Jewish, Armenian and Christian Quarters of modern Jerusalem), which had been inside the walls before the Babylonian destruction.
The Bible describes the construction of a wall by Nehemiah. In November 2007 archaeologist Eilat Mazar announced the discovery of fortifications in area G on the eastern fringes of the City of David, which she dates to Nehemiah's time; Mazar's findings, however, are disputed by other archaeologists.
The biblical Book of Ezra also describes the construction of a new temple (the Second Temple) by returning exiles from Babylon.
Hellenistic period (332–164 BCE)
The conquest by Alexander the Great in 332 BCE ushered in the Hellenistic period, which would last until the Maccabean Revolt in 167 BCE. Hellenistic Jerusalem was characterized by a growing gap between the Hellenized elites who adopted Greek culture and the city's observant population, a gap that would eventually lead to the Maccabean Revolt. For most of the Hellenistic period, however, Jerusalem was quite prosperous. It had a measure of autonomy in managing its own affairs and was eventually awarded the status of a polis.
Political state
Alexander the Great conquered the region in 332 BCE and according to several Jewish traditions even visited Jerusalem. After his death the region known as Coele-Syria was contested by the Diadochi and their successor states. Between 301 and 198 BCE the Land of Israel was under the rule of Ptolemaic Egypt, but in 198 BCE it passed to the Seleucid Empire.