Albania–Greece relations are diplomatic relations between Albania and Greece. They are influenced by factors such as the presence of Albanian immigrants in Greece, the Greek minority in Albania, historical and cultural ties,Kondis, Basil. "The Greek minority in Albania." Balkan studies 36, no. 1 (1995): 83–102. and interactions between the governments of both countries.
Both Albania and Greece are members of international organizations such as the Council of Europe and NATO, and share political views about the Balkans and the rest of the world. During the 2004 EU–Western Balkans Summit of Thessaloniki, Greece proposed the "Agenda 2014", which promoted the integration of all Western Balkan states into the European Union. On June 24, 2014, under the Greek EU presidency, Albania was granted official EU candidate status, coinciding with the 10th anniversary of "Agenda 2014".
Greece ranks as Albania's 15th-largest foreign investor. Alongside Italy, Greece has supported Albanian Euro-Atlantic integration efforts, such as Albania's entry into NATO in 2009. Cooperation between the two governments and business sectors spans fields such as energy, military, tourism, and culture, as well as bilateral projects like the Trans Adriatic Pipeline and hydroelectric power plants. Greece has also been Albania's largest donor and the leading donor for the National Theater of Albania.
Modern diplomatic relations between the two countries were established in 1971 and are currently considered positive. Despite shared common traditions, culture, history, and inter-ethnic relations, diplomatic tensions relating to the Greek communities in Albania and vice versa continue to influence perceptions in both countries.Hart, Laurie Kain. "Culture, civilization, and demarcation at the northwest borders of Greece." American Ethnologist 26, no. 1 (1999): 196–220. Current diplomatic issues between the two NATO states include the unresolved status of war between Greece and Albania, which persists after the Greco-Italian War in 1940, and the human rights issues faced by the Greek minority in Albania. Contrary to media portrayal and despite these factors, Albanians and Greeks continue to maintain relations in their respective countries. This is facilitated by efforts from academics, cultural groups, NGOs, ethnic minorities, mixed families, and other non-state actors to foster closer and stronger social and political ties.
History Both Albania and Greece claim autochthonous status in their respective countries and the wider Balkan region. This has led to a sense of shared kinship as well as contested claims throughout history.
Due to the close proximity of the two countries, European genetic research has shown that there is genetic similarity between Albanians and Greeks, as well as with other southern European populations, such as southern Italians and Cypriots.Sokal, Robert R., Neal L. Oden, Pierre Legendre, Marie-Josee Fortin, Junhyong Kim, Barbara A. Thomson, Alain Vaudor, Rosalind M. Harding, and Guido Barbujani. "Genetics and language in European populations." The American Naturalist 135, no. 2 (1990): 157–175.
Since the nineteenth century, both Albania and Greece have been separate nation-states. For at least twenty-two centuries prior, they belonged to the same state in different forms.Abadzi, Helen. "Historical Greek-Albanian Relations: Some Mysteries and Riddles." Mediterranean Quarterly 22, no. 1 (2011): 41–60. The ancient Greek and Illyrian tribes that inhabited both countries were Indo-European groups that intermarried with pre-Hellenic populations after arriving in the Balkans about four thousand years ago. Then, as now, multiple migration events occurred between both countries and peoples. Greek colonies were established along the coast of Illyria, which corresponds to modern-day coastal Albania.
In the Middle Ages, Albanians, particularly those in the population group known as Arvanites, migrated across Greece. They established themselves throughout the country and played a role in the Greek War for Independence and the establishment of the modern Greek state.Bintliff, John. "The ethnoarchaeology of a 'passive'ethnicity: The Arvanites of Central Greece." The Usable Past. Greek Metahistories. Lanham-Boulder: Lexington Books (2003): 129–44. Other Christian Albanians took part in the Greek struggle against the Ottoman Empire.Clair, William St. That Greece might still be free: the Philhellenes in the War of Independence. Open Book Publishers, 2008.
After the Albanian Declaration of Independence from the Ottoman Empire (1912), the land division between Albania and Greece was resolved under the influence of the Great Powers (Austria-Hungary and Italy) with the Florence Protocol. Relations did not improve until the 1939 occupation of Albania by Italy. Greek and Albanian forces came into conflict during the Greco-Italian War. During the Axis Occupation of Greece, the Greek and Albanian resistance groups were in close contact, exchanging information about the Nazi occupation forces.
The People's Socialist Republic of Albania, an ally of the Soviet Union, was involved in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949) by supporting the communist-led Greek Democratic Army. Leskovik, in southern Albania, became its headquarters for some time. Several invasions were mounted from Albanian soil into the Greek region of Grammos, with communist guerrillas retreating to Albania after each operation. Negotiations leading up to the re-establishment of full diplomatic relations started in 1953, and a trade agreement was reached in Paris in 1966. However, the trade agreement was not implemented due to the absence of a payment agreement. In 1970, a new trade agreement was also reached in Paris, which led to the establishment of telegraphic and telephone lines and the opening of trade bureaus in Athens and Tirana. In early April of the same year, a truck carrying Albanian goods reached Greece via Yugoslavia—the first since the end of World War II. Following a lapse of more than 30 years, the two countries re-established diplomatic relations on May 6, 1971, in a period when economic cooperation and strategy led Enver Hoxha and the right-wing Greek military junta of 1967–1974 to explore paths of cooperation.
Confederation aspirations During the Ottoman period, Albanians and Greeks made numerous discussions, research, and attempts to form a confederation. In the 19th century, plans were made to create a Greek-Albanian confederation, reviving earlier plans from the 18th century. In 1907, a special protocol and memorandum of understanding were signed by Neoklis Kazazis and Ismail Qemali, the first prime minister of Albania.
Arvanite author Aristides Kollias, in his book The Proclamation of the Association of Arvanites, states that "from 1881 to 1907, sustained efforts and repeated consultations between Greeks and Albanians were made to create a Greek-Albanian state."
In his book Greece and Albania in the Early 20th Century (1995), Thanos Paleologos-Anagnostopoulos wrote that Ismail Qemali, a philhellene, collaborated with numerous Greek politicians and lobbyists, including Arvanite leaders, on a possible Greek-Albanian federation. This federation was envisioned as one that "maintains the national and religious independence of the two peoples." Neoklis Kazazis viewed this federation as a means for Greece to counter Italian influence in the region.
1990s
Following the collapse of communism in Albania in 1992, an influx of economic refugees and immigrants from Albania and other former Communist countries—including Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine—arrived in Greece. Most of these individuals entered Greece as illegal immigrants seeking employment. Albanians in Greece constitute 60–65% of the total immigrant population. As per the 2001 census, there are officially 443,550 Albanian citizens residing in Greece.
In the 1990s, Greece favored and supported Fatos Nano, an Orthodox Christian, as the Albanian leader over Sali Berisha, a Muslim. Nano was perceived as more amenable to Greek interests. pp. 80–81. "Greece's favorite candidate in these elections was clearly MR. Nano. As emerges from the interview material, he –unlike Berisha- was held in high esteem by the Greek side. It should not escape notice that Nano was by origin Orthodox Christian from Southern Albania, whereas Berisha was a northern Muslim... Greece's favour towards Nano was clearly demonstrated in June when he was allowed to speak to a crowd of Albanian citizens at a pre-election rally in one of Athens' central squares. The police did not interfere and no arrests of illegal immigrants were made." During the Albanian Rebellion of 1997, Greece took part in Operation Alba, a multinational peacekeeping and humanitarian mission. Prior to Operation Alba, Greece executed "Operation Kosmas" on March 15, 1997, which involved the evacuation of 240 foreign dignitaries from Albania.
Presently, both countries describe their relations as 'excellent', with Albania considering Greece one of its 'strongest and most important allies'. Both nations are NATO member states and currently enjoy close relations. However, Greece opposed the route of the Trans Adriatic Pipeline through Albanian territory, as it would enable Albania to become a transmission hub for gas in the Western Balkans.
Modern relations On September 4, 2004, ethnic tensions escalated when Gramoz Palushi, an Albanian living near Zakynthos, was murdered by an ethnic Greek after celebrating Albania's 2–1 win over Greece in a football match. This led to widespread protests by members of the Albanian and anti-racist communities in Greece. In the Albanian capital of Tirana, youth organizations held rallies and marched to Mother Teresa Square to condemn the murder, while hundreds of people attended his funeral. The perpetrator, Panagiotis Kladis, was originally sentenced to life imprisonment. In early 2010, he had his sentence reduced to 22 years by the Greek courts.
On August 12, 2010, ethnic tensions escalated again following the death of Aristotelis Goumas, an ethnic Greek shopkeeper. Goumas was killed when his motorcycle was struck by a car driven by three Albanian youths. The youths had allegedly demanded that Goumas refrain from speaking Greek in his store. In response to the incident, local residents blocked the main highway between Vlorë and Sarandë in protest, and a spokesman called for a restructuring of local police services and an increased representation of Himariotes in the local police force. Both the Greek and Albanian governments condemned the incident.
Following the UEFA Euro 2016 qualifying match between Serbia and Albania, Albanian nationalists were armed with flags and banners. They attacked local ethnic Greeks, vandalized houses, and smashed car windows.Greek ambassador denounced an incident taken place in a minority area in Albania Independent Balkan News Agency. This incident prompted diplomatic intervention from Greece, with the Greek foreign ministry issuing a démarche to its Albanian counterpart, demanding the prosecution of those responsible for the attacks. The Albanian foreign minister acknowledged the swift and efficient response of the state police in identifying the perpetrators.
Greece ranks as the 15th largest foreign investor in Albania, with investments totaling 217 million euros.
In August 2017, Albania experienced widespread wildfires. In response to a request for assistance from the Albanian authorities, Greece dispatched two Canadair CL-415 aircraft and seven fire engines, along with their crews, to aid in the firefighting efforts.