Cabrini–Green Homes are a Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) public housing project on the Near North Side of Chicago, Illinois, United States. The Frances Cabrini Rowhouses and Extensions were south of Division Street, bordered by Larrabee Street to the west, Orleans Street to the east and Chicago Avenue to the south, with the William Green Homes to the northwest.
At its peak, Cabrini–Green was home to 15,000 people, mostly living in mid- and high-rise apartment buildings. The development experienced significant challenges, including high crime rates and building deterioration. "Cabrini–Green" became a metonym for problems associated with public housing in the United States.
Beginning in 1995, the CHA initiated the demolition of the mid- and high-rise buildings, with the final structure removed in 2011. Today, only the original two-story rowhouses remain.
The neighborhood has undergone extensive redevelopment and gentrification, influenced by its proximity to downtown Chicago. The area now includes a mix of market-rate and CHA-owned housing, forming a mixed-income community consisting of high-rise buildings and townhouses.
Layout and demographics The construction of Cabrini–Green reflected the mid-20th-century urban renewal strategies used in United States urban planning. The extension buildings were referred to as the "Reds" due to their red brick exteriors, while the William Green Homes were called the "Whites" because of their reinforced concrete construction. Many of the high-rise buildings featured exterior porches called open galleries. According to the Chicago Housing Authority, the initial residents of the Cabrini rowhouses were primarily of Italian descent. By 1962, the majority of residents in the full complex were African American.
History
In the 1850s, shanties were built on low-lying land along the Chicago River, initially inhabited by Swedish and later Irish populations. The area became known as "Little Hell" due to the presence of a nearby gas refinery that emitted visible flames and fumes.
By the early 20th century, it was referred to as "Little Sicily" due to a large Sicilian immigrant population. In 1929 Harvey Warren Zorbaugh wrote "The Gold Coast and the Slum: A Sociological Study of Chicago's Near North Side", examining the contrasting social conditions of the affluent Gold Coast, the impoverished Little Sicily, and the transitional areas in between. That same year, the Marshall Field Garden Apartments, a privately funded low-income housing development, was completed. In 1942, the Frances Cabrini Homes were completed—586 units in 54 two-story rowhouse buildings designed by Holsman, Burmeister, et al. Initial residency requirements specified 75% White and 25% Black occupancy. The development was named for Saint Frances Xavier Cabrini, an Italian-American nun canonized for her work with the poor. In 1957, the Cabrini Extension was added, consisting of 1,925 red brick units in mid- and high-rise buildings designed by A. Epstein & Sons. In 1962, the William Green Homes were completed north of Division Street, comprising 1,096 units designed by Pace Associates. These were named after William Green, a former president of the American Federation of Labor. In 1966, the lawsuit Gautreaux et al. v. Chicago Housing Authority was filed, alleging racially discriminatory practices in public housing placement. The CHA was found liable in 1969, and a consent decree was entered with the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development in 1981. From 1974 to 1979, the television sitcom Good Times aired on CBS, using exterior shots of Cabrini–Green in its opening and closing credits. Although set in public housing, the series did not explicitly name the complex.
From March 26 to April 19, 1981, Chicago Mayor Jane Byrne temporarily moved into Cabrini–Green to draw attention to crime in the area. In 1992, the horror film Candyman, set in Cabrini–Green, was released. In 1994, Chicago received one of the first HOPE VI grants to redevelop the area into a mixed-income neighborhood., Retrieved May 28, 2013. Demolition of high-rise buildings began on September 27, 1995., Retrieved May 28, 2013. In 1997, the Near North Redevelopment Initiative was introduced, recommending demolition of the Green Homes and most of the Cabrini Extension. In 1999, the Chicago Housing Authority launched the Plan for Transformation, a $1.5 billion initiative to demolish 18,000 units and build or rehabilitate 25,000 units, incorporating earlier Cabrini–Green redevelopment efforts.
Subsequent improvements included a new library, renovations to Seward Park, and a new shopping center. On December 9, 2010, the final building of the William Green Homes closed. On March 30, 2011, the last high-rise building at Cabrini–Green was demolished, accompanied by a public art presentation. Most of the Frances Cabrini rowhouses remain, though many are in poor condition or abandoned.
Overview
Cabrini–Green consisted of ten sections constructed over a 20-year period: the Frances Cabrini Rowhouses (586 units, completed in 1942), Cabrini Extension North and South (1,925 units, completed in 1957), and the William Green Homes (1,096 units, completed in 1962). As of May 3, 2011, all high-rise buildings in the complex had been demolished. A total of 150 Frances Cabrini Rowhouses, located south of Oak Street, north of Chicago Avenue, west of Hudson Avenue, and east of Cambridge Street, have been renovated and remain occupied.
Crime and response
Problems develop
Poverty and organized crime have been historically associated with the Cabrini–Green area. A 1931 map produced by Bruce-Roberts, Incorporated labeled the intersection of Oak Street and Milton Avenue (now Cleveland Avenue) as "Death Corner," noting it as the site of approximately 50 murders.
Initially, the housing was racially integrated, and many residents were employed. However, following World War II, nearby factories that had supported the local economy closed, leading to widespread job loss. At the same time, municipal disinvestment caused in part by suburbanization and white flight resulted in the reduction of public services, including building maintenance.
In an effort to cut costs, lawns were paved over, broken lights were left unrepaired for extended periods, and fire-damaged apartments were boarded up rather than restored. Later developments, such as the William Green Homes, were constructed with limited budgets, leading to issues related to poor construction quality and long-term maintenance challenges. Many buildings lacked interior hallways; instead, units were accessed via exterior concrete walkways enclosed in chain-link fencing, exposing residents to weather conditions, including harsh winter temperatures.
Unlike many of the city's other public housing projects, Cabrini–Green was located at the boundary of two of Chicago’s wealthiest neighborhoods, Lincoln Park and the Gold Coast, and less than a mile from the Magnificent Mile. Despite its proximity to affluent areas, the complex was marked by high poverty rates. Gang activity was prominent, with individual gangs controlling specific buildings, and residents often felt compelled to affiliate with them for protection.
At the height of Cabrini-Green's disinvestment, vandalism became widespread. Graffiti was common, and damage to building infrastructure—such as doors, windows, and elevators—was frequent. Pest infestations were widespread, and garbage frequently clogged trash chutes, at one point accumulating up to the 15th floor. Utilities, including water and electricity, were often unreliable and went unrepaired for extended periods.
Externally, the buildings displayed signs of deterioration, with boarded-up windows, charred sections of the façade, and paved-over green areas. In response to safety concerns, balconies were enclosed with fencing to prevent the disposal of trash from upper floors and to reduce the risk of falls or objects being thrown. This gave the structures an appearance resembling prison tiers or cages, drawing criticism from community leaders.
Brother Bill
In the 1980s, Catholic lay worker William "Brother Bill" Tomes Jr. regularly visited Cabrini–Green in an effort to reduce violence within the community. His work attracted national attention, and he was interviewed by Time magazine and multiple television networks.
Demolition, redevelopment, and relocation
While Cabrini–Green experienced decline during the postwar period—marked by disinvestment, industrial departure, and white flight—the broader Near North Side of Chicago saw significant socioeconomic growth. Downtown employment shifted from manufacturing to professional services, increasing demand for middle-income housing. This spurred gentrification, which spread north from the Gold Coast along the lakefront, then westward and eventually across the Chicago River.
In the 1980s, the industrial area just south of Cabrini–Green and west of Michigan Avenue was redeveloped into the River North neighborhood, becoming a center for arts, entertainment, and later, the city’s technology sector. By the 1990s, former industrial land near the north branch of the Chicago River—surrounding Cabrini–Green to the north, south, and west—was converted into office, retail, and residential developments.
As property values increased, Cabrini–Green's location became more attractive to private developers. Speculators began acquiring land adjacent to the complex in anticipation of its eventual demolition. In May 1995, the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) assumed control of the Chicago Housing Authority and began demolishing vacant "Reds" buildings in the Cabrini Extension, promoting a mixed-income model for public housing redevelopment.
In June 1996, the City of Chicago and the CHA introduced the Near North Redevelopment Initiative, a plan for new development on and around the Cabrini–Green site. The city’s ten-year Plan for Transformation, officially launched in 2000, called for the demolition of nearly all high-rise public housing in Chicago, including most of Cabrini–Green, with the exception of some remaining rowhouses.
Tenant response
Over the years, residents of Cabrini–Green had organized to advocate for assistance from the city and to support one another within the community. Marion Stamps, a prominent community leader, was the most visible resident organizing protests and strikes against the Chicago Housing Authority, city officials, and others on behalf of Cabrini–Green residents from the 1960s until her death in 1996. That same year, the federal government ordered the demolition of 18,000 public housing units in Chicago, as part of a nationwide initiative affecting tens of thousands of units.
Some tenant activists at Cabrini–Green worked to prevent displacement and advocated for continued access to public housing for low-income residents. These efforts led to a consent decree that allowed certain buildings to remain standing during redevelopment, enabling residents to remain in their homes until new housing became available. The agreement also provided displaced residents with guaranteed access to housing in the redeveloped neighborhood.
In 2001, a tenants group filed a lawsuit against the Chicago Housing Authority concerning relocation plans under the city's Plan for Transformation, a $1.4 billion initiative for public housing redevelopment. According to attorney Richard Wheelock, who represented the tenants, the pace of demolition outstripped that of reconstruction, resulting in displaced families being forced to seek housing in other segregated or unsafe neighborhoods or risk becoming homeless.
In 1997, the same year as the attack on Girl X, community leaders formed the Alliance for Community Peace for "mentoring and recreation to area youth" which later expanded citywide.
Demolition